Suchergebnisse

This paper argues that various EU policy initiatives towards the Western Balkans in the period of 1990-1999 did not in fact encourage the Western Balkans to move on and secure quicker integration into the European Union. They also failed to support reforms in the political, economic and social spheres. In addition, EU initiatives were too ineffective in terms of development of regional cooperation among countries of the region. Thus, new models were -- and still are -- needed if the EU remains committed to further enlargement in the Western Balkans. The author proposes development of a euro-region in the Western Balkans. In this way, countries of the Western Balkans would be encouraged to collaborate in applying for EU funding, which would support other forms of cooperation. However, since the funds are now restricted, it is more likely that even this approach would have only limited success. Adapted from the source document.

Starting from the research results indicating weakening of the ties between political parties & citizens in West European democracies, the author poses the question of what has been happening with the party functions of the democratic legitimation of polities. By juxtaposing two interpretations -- one about the "mutual murder" of political parties & democracy, & the other about the weakening of political parties as a "modernizing" process that does not jeopardize democratic polities -- the author examines the possibility of testing these hypotheses on the case of Croatia as a new democracy. The analysis -- bearing in mind that all the conclusions based on the "traveling explanations" are of dubious value -- shows that Croatia is, tentatively speaking, nearer to the "modernizing" interpretation. Namely, there is not enough evidence that political parties as institutions are crucial for the growth of public support to a democratic polity. The role of parties as actors, ie, in the sense of political elites with a recognizable attitude toward democracy, is much more important in that respect. The author warns that the withering of the direct legitimizing role of political parties in new democracies does not necessarily imply a decreased importance of other functions of political parties in maintaining the democratic process. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The process of European integrations, with growing political, economic, & security interdependence of member states is designed in such a way that, among other things, it can eventually result in developing a collective approach to defense, whose features would be a far cry from any other form of traditional alliances. The signatories of the Maastricht Agreement vowed to shape a common defense policy that would in time lead to the common defense. The common defense policy, whose structure would be built on the basis of the models & trends of the defense policies of the leading West European countries, should evolve as an integral part of EU's common foreign & security policy. It should address all the aspects of the use of military power, & it will require an analysis of a broad spectrum of possible scenarios that may pose a threat to EU's security. EU countries have demonstrated certain shortcomings in their military capacities, eg, transport equipment & other capacities for deployment. Although in the economic field they have achieved consensus on numerous issues, it is obvious that defense issues such as nuclear weapons, professionalization of the military, & the policies of defense industry are still a major bone of contention for EU members. Though EU, WEU, & NATO represent only a segment of the European security architecture, they will most probably serve as the key institutional framework for the development of a common defense policy & common defense. Further expansion of this triangular institutional framework is going to be interdependent, mutually supportive, & parallel. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes political, philosophical, ethical, & legal implications of the trial in which, in August of 1997, some former members of the Politburo of the United Socialist Party of the former Democratic Republic of Germany were sentenced to prison terms after they had been found guilty for the murders committed by the East German border patrols when trying to prevent people from fleeing to the West. The legal grounds for such a sentence are dubious, not only because it runs counter to the ban on the retroactive enforcement of legal provisions but also because it presupposes the universal validity of the Western concept of human rights. If the intention was to react legally to what, from the Western point of view, were unpardonable acts during the communist reign, then the most prominent representatives of that system should have been -- in accordance with wartime law -- treated as enemies defeated in a (cold) war. Adapted from the source document.

This note considers the continuing viability of the state as a political community & a people's republic, a leading theme of a scientific symposium on the future of the state, held in Zagreb, 10-11 May 2002. The successes & failures of the state are pointed out: it has promoted modern democracy & social & economic developments but has also given rise to totalitarian regimes. The failure of some regions to develop state formations (eg, sub-Saharan Africa) is contrasted with state development in Western Europe, where the state now appears to be in the final stages of evolution, dissolving into the suprastate organization of the European Union. The question of the future of the state as a political body & territorially defined national unit is addressed, noting the erosion of state powers & prerogatives in the era of globalization & the threats to its legitimacy in light of the recognition that the legal foundation & financial resources of the state are limited. The principles of democracy & nationalism on which the raison d'etre of the state was always founded are ambivalent in providing a legitimacy for this institution. For the time being, however, the state has a future because there seems to be no better alternative. Z. Dubiel

The author discusses the concept of state neutrality through the debate led by political theorists over the last 30 years. The notion of neutrality is presented as crucial for legitimacy & the scope of liberal-democratic government & also as an institutional solution of the rising cultural, religious, & moral plurality of contemporary Western societies. Starting with Rawls's theory of justice, the article continues with Nozick's libertarian criticism, MacIntyre's criticism of liberalism, & the arguments of Sandel, Taylor, & Raz (respectively) about the incompatibility of the concepts of the common good & state neutrality. The author discusses relations between neutrality & the welfare state, plurality of values, public policy, & the common good. In conclusion, the author distinguishes neutrality of principle & neutrality of public policy, advocating for the former understanding of the notion of neutrality. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

The real reasons that run counter to the conclusion that "the Balkan market" is essential for the economic development of Croatia are discussed. The author's thesis is that the West European market (particularly Italian & German markets) is crucial for Croatia & that it has always been so, even when Croatia was a part of the former Yugoslavia. That is why it is thought that Croatia's acceptance of the American notion of an economic integration of Southeast European states would be detrimental to Croatia. The same applies to the European Union's "regional approach," which links EU's cooperation with Croatia to Croatia's cooperation with the states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. These assertions are corroborated with the statistical data on the trends in Croatian trade & other economic relations, before & after Croatia's independence. The author also pleads for the necessity of Croatia's economic cooperation with its neighboring states, in line with its interests -- the real measure of the relations among sovereign states. Adapted from the source document.

(Originally published as a chapter in the book Eine Art Schadensabwicklung [(A Way of Managing Losses) Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1987].) The author deals with the issue of the pro-Western orientation of the Federal Republic of Germany. The issue can be reduced to the question whether the pro-Western orientation is opportunism or a genuine break with the German political consciousness? By way of introduction, he uses the debate among historians about Germany's national self-understanding. He focuses on the assumptions of the conservative party, that the pro-Western orientation should be based on a renewed national self-assertion & its continuity from the 1930s & the 1940s. The author, however, is of the opinion that historicism & nationalism should not be used as a type of national/historical identity formation. He corroborates this with the example of the failed antitotalitarian consensus from the 1950s, which relied on the discrete attitude to the German history. In order to define the conditions for the new consensus, he turns to Kierkegaard & his concept of personal identity, since it is more appropriate for the post-traditional world. This concept may be complemented by the constitutional patriotism based on the differentiation between the culture & the state politics & not by the nationalism of the nation-state. In line with Kierkegaard's "either-or" in the public process, the author thinks that the decision should be made as to which of the traditions is to be sustained & be prepared to cope with the political & cultural consequences. Adapted from the source document.