Suchergebnisse

This study aims to understand how willingness to help people in poverty and the agreement with providing government aid are connected to emotions and attributional processes, in a country with a high poverty rate such as Argentina. Differences in poverty attributions and emotions among self-reported social class are also analysed. A total sample of 331 secondary-school students completed self-administered questionnaires. Correlations and regression analyses showed that, whereas emotions such as compassion, empathy and pity seem to motivate helping behaviours, explanations as to the cause of poverty, rather than emotions, are closely associated with an agreement to providing government aid. However, low levels of anger seem to be required to endorse both helping behaviours and agreement to providing government aid. On the other hand, respondents who self-identify as belonging to upper classes report more anger and use fewer structural explanations to understand poverty than lower-classes respondents. We propose that future research analyse a greater variety of helping behaviours towards people in poverty and types of government intervention in the global south. ; Cilj je provedenoga istraživanja razumjeti kako su spremnost za pomaganje i suglasnost s pružanjem državne pomoći siromašnima povezani s emocijama i atribucijskim procesima u zemlji s visokom stopom siromaštva poput Argentine. Analizirane su također razlike u emocijama i atribuciji siromaštva među različitim društvenim klasama. U istraživanju je sudjelovao ukupno 331 srednjoškolac, a svi su sudionici ispunili set upitnika. Na temelju korelacijskih i regresijskih analiza može se zaključiti da, iako emocije poput suosjećanja, empatije i sažaljenja motiviraju ponašanja povezana s pomaganjem, atribucije uzroka siromaštva, a ne same emocije, usko su povezane sa suglasnošću s pružanjem državne pomoći siromašnima. Prema dobivenim je rezultatima niska razina ljutnje povezana i s ponašanjima povezanima s pomaganjem i sa suglasnošću s pružanjem državne pomoći siromašnima. Ispitanici koji se identificiraju kao pripadnici više klase izvještavaju o većoj ljutnji te koriste manje strukturirana objašnjenja za razumijevanje uzroka siromaštva u odnosu na ispitanike koji pripadaju nižoj klasi. Predlažemo da se u budućim istraživanjima analizira više različitih ponašanja povezanih s pomaganjem siromašnima, kao i vrste vladinih intervencija u južnim područjima svijeta.

Snažno gospodarsko i demografsko zaostajanje dulje je vrijeme jedno od temeljnih razvojnih obilježja perifernih krških područja Hrvatske. Zbog spomenutih obilježja glavni je cilj rada istražiti stavove studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu o razvojnim potencijalima tih krajeva. Anketnim upitnikom na kvotnom uzorku od 490 studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu ispitivana je spremnost ispitanika za povratak ili preseljenje u te krajeve, kao i veza između iskazane spremnosti i njihove osobne povezanosti s tim krajevima rođenjem ili porijeklom. Također su identificirane gospodarske djelatnosti i nositelji razvoja koje ispitanici smatraju ključnima u procesu revitalizacije problemskih krških područja. Naposljetku su analizirana predviđanja ispitanika povezana s budućim razvojem tih krajeva. Rezultati upućuju na višeslojno poimanje prostora. Utvrđena je niska razina spremnosti ispitanika za povratak ili useljenje u navedena područja, pri čemu su ispitanici koji su za ove krajeve vezani mjestom rođenja ili porijekla značajno više razmišljali o povratku ili preseljenju. Kao gospodarske djelatnosti ključne za revitalizaciju ispitanici su izdvojili ruralni turizam i ekološku poljoprivredu, a kao najprihvatljivije nositelje razvoja jedinice regionalne samouprave i središnju državnu vlast. Također, ispitanici prevladavajuće negativno predviđaju budućnost hrvatskih perifernih krških krajeva. ; Lagging behind in economic and demographic development has been one of the fundamental features of Croatian peripheral karst areas for a long time. For that reason, the main research goal of this paper was to analyse attitudes of students from the University of Zagreb regarding the revitalisation potential for Croatian peripheral karst areas. A questionnaire survey was conducted using quota sampling, whereby 490 students were included. The willingness of respondents to return or move to peripheral karst areas was examined, as well as the association between the respondents' stated willingness and connection to these areas by place of birth or origin. Furthermore, economic activities that respondents saw as crucial to the revitalisation processes of karst problem areas were identified. Respondents' views on the possible future development of peripheral karst areas were also analysed. The results point to multi-faceted views of the area. A low level of willingness to return or move to peripheral karst areas on the part of the respondents was determined, whereby respondents, who were linked with peripheral karst areas by birthplace or origin, considered moving or returning to these areas significantly more. Rural tourism and organic agriculture were seen as the most important economic activities in the process of revitalisation. Regional self-government units and central state government were defined by respondents as most important actors in the process of revitalisation. Finally, respondents' predictions about the future of peripheral karst areas were predominantly negative.

The weight of religious adages such as "thou shall not hate" & "love your enemies" in the Croatian patriotic war is analyzed. The author concludes that their influence was manifested in a lower combat readiness, in a willingness to sign peace agreements subject to change at the expense of Croatian interests, in a proclivity for releasing enemy prisoners, in the bigger Croatian body count because enemy soldiers were medically treated as well, & in an increased propensity for accepting refugees & displaced persons. These norms also curbed the number of massacres. The author's conclusion is that there is a substantial danger that the emotions triggered by the enemy's brutality will be vented in uncontrollable outbursts of hate. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The central features of the political "profile" of European women at the beginning of this decade were a diminished interest in politics, infrequent inclusion of political topics in private conversations, & decreased willingness to adopt a political option. Compared to other European countries, Croatia projects an entirely different image: a pronounced interest of women in politics, very similar to that of men! This partly proves the "law" that a rise in level of education, working outside home, & middle age are the catalysts for women's desire to enter the world of politics. The transition, the war, & the "legacy" of socialist ideology account for this massive public interest in politics & the much lessened gender differences. 14 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The central features of the political "profile" of European women at the beginning of this decade were a diminished interest in politics, infrequent inclusion of political topics in private conversations, & decreased willingness to adopt a political option. Compared to other European countries, Croatia projects an entirely different image: a pronounced interest of women in politics, very similar to that of men! This partly proves the "law" that a rise in level of education, working outside home, & middle age are the catalysts for women's desire to enter the world of politics. The transition, the war, & the "legacy" of socialist ideology account for this massive public interest in politics & the much lessened gender differences. 14 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The dissolution of the great Soviet empire & the demise of the socialist system in the Soviet Union & Eastern Europe has undoubtedly been one of the most significant political developments at the turn of the 20th century. Whether this was brought about by international factors or by the internal cave-in of the system has been the subject of numerous & extensive analyses. It is obvious that the geostrategic shifts & the completely altered position of the new state (the Russian Federation) have made it necessary to look into the political aspects of the problem. That Russia is not faced with an imminent threat from abroad is certainly an extraordinary change, unprecedented in the long Russian history. This particularly applies to the western Russian borders, which used to be almost continually threatened. Political relations that have been developing between Russia & the West, despite all the obstacles, have been improving, & both sides demonstrate a willingness to continue with this trend. Adapted from the source document.

The Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo has had direct repercussions for Balkan security over the last 150 years. The international community would occasionally pay more attention to this conflict, but never long enough to resolve it for good. Both the Serbian & the Albanian side put in a lot of effort toward the resolution of the conflict & came up with several proposals, ranging from various modes of Kosovo autonomy to the idea of the cantonization & refederalization of SR Yugoslavia, to the independence of Kosovo, or to its being turned into a protectorate. All these suggestions had mostly been one-sided, either pro-Serbian or pro-Albanian, none of them conducive to a compromise. All this eventually resulted in a military conflict & the attempt to impose solutions by force. Nevertheless, after the NATO intervention, negotiations will have to be resumed, & the familiar proposals for the resolution of the Kosovo question will have to be rehashed, only this time the situation will require much more good will & willingness to make compromises, on both the Albanian & Serbian sides, as well as considerable support by international community. 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Partnership for Peace (PfP), created by NATO in Brussels in 1994, was an integral part of the Clinton administration's foreign policy toward Europe, based on the premise of a strong, viable NATO & democratic, US-friendly Europe. The military, political, & economic advantages the creation of PfP presented to the US are pointed out. Due to the Balkan War & Franjo Tudman's refusal to accept the Dayton agreement, Croatia was denied a PfP membership. However, following the Croatian president's death, his successors were eager to embark on the process of democratic changes in their country & thus please the Clinton administration by meeting its conditions for PfP membership, including (1) the acceptance of the Dayton agreement vis-a-vis the territorial integrity of Bosnia & Herzegovina, (2) cooperation with the International Tribunal in The Hague, (3) the facilitation of the return of war refugees, & (4) concrete steps on the democratization of the regime (free mass media, free elections, changes in the electoral law). It is noted that Croatia was accepted into the PfP to show other Balkan states, especially Serbia, that there are rewards for going democratic & showing willingness to cooperate with the West. Since NATO does not plan to increase its membership soon, PfP seems to be, for the time being, the principal format within which the security of Croatia & peace in the Balkans can be preserved. Z. Dubiel

Using a miscellany of multidisciplinary theoretical approaches (primarily sociological definitions of social & urban problems & the political science theory of the urban regime) as his starting point, the author analyzes the attitude of Split's leading politicians to the more recent problems of that city. His analysis is based on the findings of research conducted in Feb-Mar 2002, conducting structured interviews with a sample of 20 prominent local politicians. The results show that the leading Split officials consider the social conditions prevailing in that city to be unfavorable & encumbered with a plethora of hardships, the most prominent among them being rampant unemployment, decay of the city's industry, traffic isolation, socially disadvantaged citizens, & urban devastation. The interviewed politicians mostly think that those & other problems are to a large extent caused by the state of the Croatian society or, better to say, by the key factors of the social context (conversion of ownership, economic & general social crisis, patriotic war, etc) of the independent Croatia. An analysis of the interviews reveals the pronounced political tensions & divisions in Split & shows how they obstruct finding the solutions for the city's problems. The opinions & attitudes of the leading politicians in Split reveal, on the one hand, a considerable propensity toward an elitist, even authoritarian, approach to the resolution of these problems, & on the other, an insufficient willingness for solving the city's problems by means of cooperating with other social actors. 2 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using a miscellany of multidisciplinary theoretical approaches (primarily sociological definitions of social & urban problems & the political science theory of the urban regime) as his starting point, the author analyzes the attitude of Split's leading politicians to the more recent problems of that city. His analysis is based on the findings of research conducted in Feb-Mar 2002, conducting structured interviews with a sample of 20 prominent local politicians. The results show that the leading Split officials consider the social conditions prevailing in that city to be unfavorable & encumbered with a plethora of hardships, the most prominent among them being rampant unemployment, decay of the city's industry, traffic isolation, socially disadvantaged citizens, & urban devastation. The interviewed politicians mostly think that those & other problems are to a large extent caused by the state of the Croatian society or, better to say, by the key factors of the social context (conversion of ownership, economic & general social crisis, patriotic war, etc) of the independent Croatia. An analysis of the interviews reveals the pronounced political tensions & divisions in Split & shows how they obstruct finding the solutions for the city's problems. The opinions & attitudes of the leading politicians in Split reveal, on the one hand, a considerable propensity toward an elitist, even authoritarian, approach to the resolution of these problems, & on the other, an insufficient willingness for solving the city's problems by means of cooperating with other social actors. 2 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

(Originally published in German in the journal Wandlungen [1947, 2, 6], & later as a chapter in the book "Ich wunschte ein Burger zu sein." Neun Versuche uber den Staat [("I Wanted to Be a Citizen." Nine Essays on the State) Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1967]). First the author discusses the distinction between the homeland & the country. Although a country is not a homeland, nevertheless the attitude of an individual to it is not a natural fact since it contains a spiritual dimension. On the other hand, the notion of the homeland -- besides its political/spiritual elements -- contains a natural element. The author investigates the attitudes that we have towards our homeland & how they can be regulated by law. He claims that only the civil constitution is the homeland constitution, ie, that there is no homeland in despotism. He then uses the example of Prussia, where patriotic sentiments emerged without the republican institutions. The military replaced the republic, & the love for the homeland turned into the willingness to serve & sacrifice, & not into the "love of law." The author promotes the concept of the homeland that is neither nature nor idea but a medium of our own free activity that reinforces the good. One need not serve the homeland as an underling but can manifest their love of it in an informed & free discussion among citizens about the concepts of the just & the unjust. In this way the notion of the homeland is linked not only to the written constitution but to the working constitution in which the citizens partake daily & thus amplify it. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj rada je pružiti uvid u specifične izazove vezane uz međunarodno posvojenje te ukazati na situacije kršenja prava djeteta u kontekstu međudržavnog posvojenja. Iako se međunarodnom posvojenju pribjegava tek u okolnostima kada djetetu nije moguće pružiti skrb u državi porijekla, nerijetko u tom procesu dolazi do zloupotrebe instituta međunarodnog posvojenja. Posebice u vremenima kriza kao što su ekonomske i političke krize, ratovi i prirodne katastrofe, kada su zakonske kontrole oslabljene. Nadalje, stvarnost međunarodno posvojene djece karakterizira proživljavanje mnogih gubitaka, emocionalnih i kulturalnih, te je velik izazov s kojim se susreću međunarodni posvojenici formiranje identiteta kao kombinacije kulturalnog nasljeđa države iz koje potječu i države u koju se dijete posvaja. Kako će taj proces teći uvelike ovisi o posvojiteljima i njihovom prihvaćanju različitosti, te spremnosti i vještinama komuniciranja o djetetovoj povijesti i porijeklu, ali i o podršci sustava socijalne skrbi koji ima važnu ulogu u zaštiti prava djeteta. ; The aim of this paper is to provide insight in the specific challenges of international adoption, and to point to situations of violation of the rights of the child in the context of international adoption. Although international adoption is used only in circumstances where a child cannot be cared for in a country of origin, in that process abuses of this institute often occur. Especially in times of crisis such as economic and political crises, wars and natural disasters when legal controls are weak. Furthermore, the great challenge facing all international adoptees is the formation of identity as a combination of the cultural heritage of the country of origin and the country they actually live in. How will this process going on depend not only on adoptive parents and their acceptance of diversity, their willingness to communicate about child history and origin and communication skill they have, but also on the support of the social welfare system, which have an important role in protecting the rights of the child.

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj ovog rada je istražiti povezanost između poduzetničke namjere i namjere da se napusti domovina. Prikupili smo od 245 studenata iz Bosne i Hercegovine podatke o njihovoj namjeri da postanu poduzetnici, namjeri da napuste zemlju i percepciji o različitim izvorima konflikta: međureligijska i međuetnička netrpeljivost, nejednakost spolova, spolna diskriminacija i stav o ekonomskoj situaciji. Kao što je i očekivano, društvene interakcije važan su prediktor namjere po pitanju migracija. Oni sudionici čiji su prijatelji i obitelj migrirali imaju veće šanse da i sami napuste svoju domovinu. Ni jedan izvor konflikta ne utječe na želju pojedinca da migrira. Suprotno našim očekivanjima, poduzetnička namjera ima statistički značajan i pozitivan utjecaj na namjeru da se napusti domovina. Smatramo da pojedinci s visokom razinom poduzetničke namjere imaju također veća očekivanja po pitanju životnih postignuća, a koja je moguće ostvariti u razvijenim zemljama. Ipak, čini se da preferencije za poduzetništvo iz prilike igraju važnu ulogu u smanjenju namjere za emigriranje. Ako pojedinci preferiraju poduzetništvo iz prilike umjesto poduzetništva iz nužde, te preferencije imaju statistički značajan i negativan utjecaj na namjeru za emigriranje. Stvaratelji politike trebali bi kreirati okruženje koje će stimulirati poduzetništvo iz prilike. ; The aim of this study is to explore the relationship between the entrepreneurial intention and the intention to leave the country. We collected data from 245 students in Bosnia and Herzegovina about their intentions to become entrepreneurs, intentions to leave the country, and their perception about different sources of conflict: interreligious and interethnic tolerance, gender inequality, sexual discrimination, and economic situation. As expected, social interactions seem to be an important predictor of the intention to migrate. Those respondents whose friends and family members migrated have higher chances of migrating themselves. None of the conflict sources influence willingness to leave the country either. Contrary to our expectations, the entrepreneurial intention has a statistically significant and positive effect on the intention to leave the country. A possible explanation might be that individuals with higher entrepreneurial intention also have higher expectations regarding life achievements; which might be achieved in developed countries. However, it seems that preference for opportunity-driven entrepreneurship plays an important role in decreasing the intention to migrate. If individuals prefer opportunity-driven instead of necessity entrepreneurship, these preferences have a statistically significant and negative influence on the intention to migrate. A possible explanation for this might be that individuals who can perceive opportunity in the environment, have a higher motivation to stay in the country because their motivation comes from observing and pursuing an opportunity rather than out of necessity. Policymakers should create an environment to stimulate opportunity instead of necessity entrepreneurship.

IPARD je pretpristupni program koji je proveden u Republici Hrvatskoj u fazi pristupanja Europskoj uniji. Glavni ciljevi ovog programa su pružiti pomoć državama kandidatkinjama i državama potencijalnim kandidatkinjama u njihovom usklađivanju i provedbi pravne stečevine Europske unije kao i priprema za korištenje budućih sredstava Europske unije. Budući da su pretpristupna sredstva iz IPARD programa omogućila ulaganje u modernizaciju tvornica za preradu ribe, ovim radom se analizirao utjecaj korištenih sredstava na a) poslovnu uspješnost i b) poslovnu (organizacijsku) sposobnost IPARD korisnika iz riboprerađivačke industrije. Istraživanje je provedeno korištenjem ne-eksperimentalne metode te je podijeljeno je na dva dijela: (1) analiza skupa indikatora poslovne uspješnosti tvrtki iz uzorka (korisnici koji su primili pretpristupna EU sredstva) i (2) analiza pomoću upitnika kojim se ispitivao utjecaj spomenutih sredstava na poboljšanje poslovne (organizacijske) sposobnosti. Istraživanje je pokazalo da se indikatori profitabilnosti kod većine korisnika nisu povećali dvije godine nakon primljenih sredstava. Ipak, očekuje se da će poboljšani tehnički i tehnološki uvjeti tvrtki pomoći u povećanju konkurentnosti njihovih proizvoda u budućnosti. Kada se govori o utjecaju na poslovnu sposobnost, vidljivo je da je došlo do poboljšanja menadžerskih sposobnosti u smislu stjecanja i razvoja novih vještina vezanih za pripremu i provedbu projekata, investicijskog planiranja kao i jačanja spremnosti na korištenje sličnih financijskih sredstava u budućnosti. ; IPARD is a pre-accession Programme that was implemented in the Republic of Croatia in the pre-accession period. Its main objectives were to assist candidate countries and potential candidate countries in their harmonization and implementation of the EU acquis, as well as preparation for utilization of the future EU funds. Given that IPARD pre-funding resources of the European Union enabled the financing of the modernization of the production plants of the fish processing industry, this paper analyzed the impact of the used funds on the a) business performance and b) business (organizational) capacity of IPARD users from the fish processing industry. The research was conducted in a non-experimental way divided into two parts: (1) an analysis of a set of indicators of business performance of companies from the sample (users of pre-accession EU funds) and (2) through a survey that examined the impact of using these resources on improving business (organizational) capacity. The results show that the profitability indicators of most users were not increased two years after the funds were received. But it is expected that the improved technical and technological conditions will help businesses in the future to increase the competitiveness of their products. When it comes to the results of the impact on business ability, it is evident that management has improved its capacities in terms of acquiring and developing the skills of preparing and running projects, investment planning or strengthening the willingness to use similar means in the future.