Suchergebnisse

The issue of regime change is extremely important in today's politics, as illustrated by recent events in the world. One of the most promising fields in regime studies is the interaction between economic growth and democratization, which is the object of the thesis. Its goal is to propose and test a model that could explain the precise causal mechanism that operates when economic development leads to democratization. The following tasks were set: to analyse the scientific literature debating this issue and see what approaches are best supported theoretically and empirically; to create a model that connects economic and political variables which lead to democratization; to propose a testable hypothesis based on the model; to test the hypothesis by adopting the qualitative process-tracing method and the quantitative survival analysis. The Selectorate theory was used to construct a model, due to the fact that it may embrace the behaviour of both the economic and political actors. On the basis of this theory a game-theoretic model was constructed and a hypothesis proposed, which states that economic growth leads to restructuring of the selectorate and the winning coalition that creates uncertainty and motivates political leaders and their challengers to favour democratic institutions. The hypothesis was tested by applying process-tracing and survival analysis methods. In the former case, three cases (Spanish, Serbian and Belarusian) were analysed, as they were found to be least similar to each other from the entire studied sample. It may be concluded that the proposed model may explain all of these cases with only minor adjustments. In the latter case, the whole European post-1950 sample was analysed. It was found out that alterations in the structure of the economy and the interaction between changes in the industrial sector and the winning coalition/selectorate have statistically significant influence on the survival of dictators. The more there are changes, the more likely is democratization to take place, just as the model predicts. The following conclusions were arrived at: endogenous effect of economic growth on democratization is well grounded; the Selectorate theory is useful in explaining how economic growth impacts democratization; the proposed model is supported by both the qualitative and quantitative analyses. Further research is needed in order to further test the hypothesis and the model. However, for now there both of them are supported empirically.

The issue of regime change is extremely important in today's politics, as illustrated by recent events in the world. One of the most promising fields in regime studies is the interaction between economic growth and democratization, which is the object of the thesis. Its goal is to propose and test a model that could explain the precise causal mechanism that operates when economic development leads to democratization. The following tasks were set: to analyse the scientific literature debating this issue and see what approaches are best supported theoretically and empirically; to create a model that connects economic and political variables which lead to democratization; to propose a testable hypothesis based on the model; to test the hypothesis by adopting the qualitative process-tracing method and the quantitative survival analysis. The Selectorate theory was used to construct a model, due to the fact that it may embrace the behaviour of both the economic and political actors. On the basis of this theory a game-theoretic model was constructed and a hypothesis proposed, which states that economic growth leads to restructuring of the selectorate and the winning coalition that creates uncertainty and motivates political leaders and their challengers to favour democratic institutions. The hypothesis was tested by applying process-tracing and survival analysis methods. In the former case, three cases (Spanish, Serbian and Belarusian) were analysed, as they were found to be least similar to each other from the entire studied sample. It may be concluded that the proposed model may explain all of these cases with only minor adjustments. In the latter case, the whole European post-1950 sample was analysed. It was found out that alterations in the structure of the economy and the interaction between changes in the industrial sector and the winning coalition/selectorate have statistically significant influence on the survival of dictators. The more there are changes, the more likely is democratization to take place, just as the model predicts. The following conclusions were arrived at: endogenous effect of economic growth on democratization is well grounded; the Selectorate theory is useful in explaining how economic growth impacts democratization; the proposed model is supported by both the qualitative and quantitative analyses. Further research is needed in order to further test the hypothesis and the model. However, for now there both of them are supported empirically.

The issue of regime change is extremely important in today's politics, as illustrated by recent events in the world. One of the most promising fields in regime studies is the interaction between economic growth and democratization, which is the object of the thesis. Its goal is to propose and test a model that could explain the precise causal mechanism that operates when economic development leads to democratization. The following tasks were set: to analyse the scientific literature debating this issue and see what approaches are best supported theoretically and empirically; to create a model that connects economic and political variables which lead to democratization; to propose a testable hypothesis based on the model; to test the hypothesis by adopting the qualitative process-tracing method and the quantitative survival analysis. The Selectorate theory was used to construct a model, due to the fact that it may embrace the behaviour of both the economic and political actors. On the basis of this theory a game-theoretic model was constructed and a hypothesis proposed, which states that economic growth leads to restructuring of the selectorate and the winning coalition that creates uncertainty and motivates political leaders and their challengers to favour democratic institutions. The hypothesis was tested by applying process-tracing and survival analysis methods. In the former case, three cases (Spanish, Serbian and Belarusian) were analysed, as they were found to be least similar to each other from the entire studied sample. It may be concluded that the proposed model may explain all of these cases with only minor adjustments. In the latter case, the whole European post-1950 sample was analysed. It was found out that alterations in the structure of the economy and the interaction between changes in the industrial sector and the winning coalition/selectorate have statistically significant influence on the survival of dictators. The more there are changes, the more likely is democratization to take place, just as the model predicts. The following conclusions were arrived at: endogenous effect of economic growth on democratization is well grounded; the Selectorate theory is useful in explaining how economic growth impacts democratization; the proposed model is supported by both the qualitative and quantitative analyses. Further research is needed in order to further test the hypothesis and the model. However, for now there both of them are supported empirically.

The article discusses the results of value-based communication analysis in the electoral programs of winning parties in Republic of Lithuania Seimas'2016 year election (LVŽS, LSDP, TS-LKD, LRLS, TT, LLRA-KŠS). With the application of three criteria of programs' analysis - the volume of thematic parts, semantic segments, and ideological values - these questions were addressed: the connection and differences between winner parties' attitudes towards values; whether traditional parties have preserved ideological identity; what coalitions after the election in the Seimas were possible based on values. The research data revealed that communication of values relevant to society in all analyzed programs is very similar, and, through cluster analysis, the connections between ideological values' communication were established foremost between traditional parties (first cluster). The second cluster consists of less related programs of other parties. Almost identical results were established when analysing this aspect based on programs' structural parts. Thus two separate structural elements with stronger (first case) and weaker (second case) interconnections were determined.

The article discusses the results of value-based communication analysis in the electoral programs of winning parties in Republic of Lithuania Seimas'2016 year election (LVŽS, LSDP, TS-LKD, LRLS, TT, LLRA-KŠS). With the application of three criteria of programs' analysis - the volume of thematic parts, semantic segments, and ideological values - these questions were addressed: the connection and differences between winner parties' attitudes towards values; whether traditional parties have preserved ideological identity; what coalitions after the election in the Seimas were possible based on values. The research data revealed that communication of values relevant to society in all analyzed programs is very similar, and, through cluster analysis, the connections between ideological values' communication were established foremost between traditional parties (first cluster). The second cluster consists of less related programs of other parties. Almost identical results were established when analysing this aspect based on programs' structural parts. Thus two separate structural elements with stronger (first case) and weaker (second case) interconnections were determined.

The article discusses the results of value-based communication analysis in the electoral programs of winning parties in Republic of Lithuania Seimas'2016 year election (LVŽS, LSDP, TS-LKD, LRLS, TT, LLRA-KŠS). With the application of three criteria of programs' analysis - the volume of thematic parts, semantic segments, and ideological values - these questions were addressed: the connection and differences between winner parties' attitudes towards values; whether traditional parties have preserved ideological identity; what coalitions after the election in the Seimas were possible based on values. The research data revealed that communication of values relevant to society in all analyzed programs is very similar, and, through cluster analysis, the connections between ideological values' communication were established foremost between traditional parties (first cluster). The second cluster consists of less related programs of other parties. Almost identical results were established when analysing this aspect based on programs' structural parts. Thus two separate structural elements with stronger (first case) and weaker (second case) interconnections were determined.

The article discusses the results of value-based communication analysis in the electoral programs of winning parties in Republic of Lithuania Seimas'2016 year election (LVŽS, LSDP, TS-LKD, LRLS, TT, LLRA-KŠS). With the application of three criteria of programs' analysis - the volume of thematic parts, semantic segments, and ideological values - these questions were addressed: the connection and differences between winner parties' attitudes towards values; whether traditional parties have preserved ideological identity; what coalitions after the election in the Seimas were possible based on values. The research data revealed that communication of values relevant to society in all analyzed programs is very similar, and, through cluster analysis, the connections between ideological values' communication were established foremost between traditional parties (first cluster). The second cluster consists of less related programs of other parties. Almost identical results were established when analysing this aspect based on programs' structural parts. Thus two separate structural elements with stronger (first case) and weaker (second case) interconnections were determined.

The article discusses the results of value-based communication analysis in the electoral programs of winning parties in Republic of Lithuania Seimas'2016 year election (LVŽS, LSDP, TS-LKD, LRLS, TT, LLRA-KŠS). With the application of three criteria of programs' analysis - the volume of thematic parts, semantic segments, and ideological values - these questions were addressed: the connection and differences between winner parties' attitudes towards values; whether traditional parties have preserved ideological identity; what coalitions after the election in the Seimas were possible based on values. The research data revealed that communication of values relevant to society in all analyzed programs is very similar, and, through cluster analysis, the connections between ideological values' communication were established foremost between traditional parties (first cluster). The second cluster consists of less related programs of other parties. Almost identical results were established when analysing this aspect based on programs' structural parts. Thus two separate structural elements with stronger (first case) and weaker (second case) interconnections were determined.

The article discusses the results of value-based communication analysis in the electoral programs of winning parties in Republic of Lithuania Seimas'2016 year election (LVŽS, LSDP, TS-LKD, LRLS, TT, LLRA-KŠS). With the application of three criteria of programs' analysis - the volume of thematic parts, semantic segments, and ideological values - these questions were addressed: the connection and differences between winner parties' attitudes towards values; whether traditional parties have preserved ideological identity; what coalitions after the election in the Seimas were possible based on values. The research data revealed that communication of values relevant to society in all analyzed programs is very similar, and, through cluster analysis, the connections between ideological values' communication were established foremost between traditional parties (first cluster). The second cluster consists of less related programs of other parties. Almost identical results were established when analysing this aspect based on programs' structural parts. Thus two separate structural elements with stronger (first case) and weaker (second case) interconnections were determined.

In modern democratic societies, political life is embodied through the actions of political parties, their duly elected leaders, and various political ideologies. In this context, political discourse, which records a variety of opinions and, frequently, their conflict, becomes an inseparable element of political culture. Conflict communication in political discourse may be perceived as the main research object of political linguistics, because the attack and winning of governmental positions occur in the context of the conflict of various political forces. That conflict is expressed through discourse. The conceptual metaphors the STATE IS A BUILDING, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, LITHUANIAN POLITICS IS A SICK PERSON and POLITICS IS WAR prevail in Paksas's political discourse. These conceptual metaphors are generally typical of political discourse. The conceptual metaphors which provide a basis for text creation through linguistic metaphors allow the features of a victim to be attributed to Paksas. His opponents are granted the characteristics of attackers, people who are destroying the state, obstacles in the way of democracy who confuse ideological enemies with enemies of war.

In modern democratic societies, political life is embodied through the actions of political parties, their duly elected leaders, and various political ideologies. In this context, political discourse, which records a variety of opinions and, frequently, their conflict, becomes an inseparable element of political culture. Conflict communication in political discourse may be perceived as the main research object of political linguistics, because the attack and winning of governmental positions occur in the context of the conflict of various political forces. That conflict is expressed through discourse. The conceptual metaphors the STATE IS A BUILDING, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, LITHUANIAN POLITICS IS A SICK PERSON and POLITICS IS WAR prevail in Paksas's political discourse. These conceptual metaphors are generally typical of political discourse. The conceptual metaphors which provide a basis for text creation through linguistic metaphors allow the features of a victim to be attributed to Paksas. His opponents are granted the characteristics of attackers, people who are destroying the state, obstacles in the way of democracy who confuse ideological enemies with enemies of war.

In modern democratic societies, political life is embodied through the actions of political parties, their duly elected leaders, and various political ideologies. In this context, political discourse, which records a variety of opinions and, frequently, their conflict, becomes an inseparable element of political culture. Conflict communication in political discourse may be perceived as the main research object of political linguistics, because the attack and winning of governmental positions occur in the context of the conflict of various political forces. That conflict is expressed through discourse. The conceptual metaphors the STATE IS A BUILDING, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, LITHUANIAN POLITICS IS A SICK PERSON and POLITICS IS WAR prevail in Paksas's political discourse. These conceptual metaphors are generally typical of political discourse. The conceptual metaphors which provide a basis for text creation through linguistic metaphors allow the features of a victim to be attributed to Paksas. His opponents are granted the characteristics of attackers, people who are destroying the state, obstacles in the way of democracy who confuse ideological enemies with enemies of war.

In modern democratic societies, political life is embodied through the actions of political parties, their duly elected leaders, and various political ideologies. In this context, political discourse, which records a variety of opinions and, frequently, their conflict, becomes an inseparable element of political culture. Conflict communication in political discourse may be perceived as the main research object of political linguistics, because the attack and winning of governmental positions occur in the context of the conflict of various political forces. That conflict is expressed through discourse. The conceptual metaphors the STATE IS A BUILDING, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, LITHUANIAN POLITICS IS A SICK PERSON and POLITICS IS WAR prevail in Paksas's political discourse. These conceptual metaphors are generally typical of political discourse. The conceptual metaphors which provide a basis for text creation through linguistic metaphors allow the features of a victim to be attributed to Paksas. His opponents are granted the characteristics of attackers, people who are destroying the state, obstacles in the way of democracy who confuse ideological enemies with enemies of war.

The object of this article is the linguistic means of political conflict communication that are characteristic of the political discourse of the former President of the Republic of Lithuania, Rolandas Paksas (2003–2004). In modern democratic societies, political life is founded upon the actions of political parties, their duly elected leaders, and various political ideologies. In this context, political discourse, which records a variety of opinions and, frequently, their conflict, becomes an inseparable element of political culture. Conflict communication in political discourse may be perceived as the main research object of political linguistics, because the attack and winning of governmental positions occur in the context of the conflict of various political forces. That conflict is expressed through discourse. The aim of this study is to analyze how conflict communication was manifested in Lithuania during the period from 2003 to 2004. In political communication, an initial situation of verbal and non-verbal actions can become a source of conflict, while disapproval of such a situation is verbalized in political communication. Any individual who wants to influence political events becomes the subject of such communication. Moreover, this article discloses the fact that linguistic means are closely related to the ideology of the speaker and linguistic practices are conditioned by culture.

The object of this article is the linguistic means of political conflict communication that are characteristic of the political discourse of the former President of the Republic of Lithuania, Rolandas Paksas (2003–2004). In modern democratic societies, political life is founded upon the actions of political parties, their duly elected leaders, and various political ideologies. In this context, political discourse, which records a variety of opinions and, frequently, their conflict, becomes an inseparable element of political culture. Conflict communication in political discourse may be perceived as the main research object of political linguistics, because the attack and winning of governmental positions occur in the context of the conflict of various political forces. That conflict is expressed through discourse. The aim of this study is to analyze how conflict communication was manifested in Lithuania during the period from 2003 to 2004. In political communication, an initial situation of verbal and non-verbal actions can become a source of conflict, while disapproval of such a situation is verbalized in political communication. Any individual who wants to influence political events becomes the subject of such communication. Moreover, this article discloses the fact that linguistic means are closely related to the ideology of the speaker and linguistic practices are conditioned by culture.