2014 was a year of paradoxes in Turkey. Internally, Recep Tayyip Erdogan's power was reinforced by winning the two elections, local and presidential, with comfortable margins in spite of the antigovernment protests and the corruption scandals involving the government. This was a scenario feared by many who see Erdogan an increasingly authoritarian leader. Externally, Ankara had to face the escalation of the conflicts in Syria and Iraq, and the rise of the Islamic State, in a period in which Turkey seems to lack a coherent foreign policy strategy. Adapted from the source document.
This paper aims to discuss the socio-economic regimes that allow the realization of justice as fairness, focusing in particular on the two regimes pointed out by Rawls as capable of constituting a well-ordered society, the property-owning democracy (POD) on the one hand and liberal socialism on the other. To this end, we will first consider Rawls' arguments regarding socio-economic regimes within A theory of justice. Then, based on Justice as fairness: a restatement, the arguments in favor of POD and liberal socialism and against the other three options: laissez-faire capitalism, one-party state socialism, and the welfare state will be discussed. Next, the arguments in favor of either POD or liberal socialism will be considered, largely seeking to draw what the distinctions between the two regimes are, from those authors who seek to go beyond Rawls. At the end, it is concluded that within the limits of a theory of justice Rawls is correct in not defining who is the winning regime, the POD or liberal socialism, but in the current advance of liberal capitalism and its movement away from liberal democracies it shows necessary to discuss which is the most adequate regime from the bases provided by justice as fairness.
The article analyzes the factors associated with the discontinuation of participatory budgeting (PB) in Brazilian municipalities with more than 50,000 inhabitants between 2000 and 2016. We used econometric models to estimate PB's discontinuation based on political explanatory variables and people's local participation. The results indicate that discontinuation is associated: (i) positively with the election of a different local government, regardless of the winning party's ideology; (ii) positively with the election of a local government with a left-wing ideology'; (iii) negatively with the election of a non-left-wing local government; (iv) positively with the election of a left-wing local government replacing another left-wing government. Changes in local government where other non-left-wing parties replace non-left-wing parties had no significant effect on discontinuation. The results contribute to our knowledge by showing the local and contextual factors that explain the discontinuation of participatory budgeting; this should help guide the design of participatory public policies and allow practitioners to reflect on the mechanisms that could be adopted locally to avoid discontinuation. The article also contributes to the literature by demonstrating the association between discontinuation and changes in left-wing local governments, which may prompt future research, given the unexpected result. ; El artículo analizó factores asociados a la discontinuidad del presupuesto participativo (PP) en municipios brasileños con más de 50.000 habitantes, en el período 2000-2016. La discontinuidad se analizó mediante la estimación de modelos econométricos con enfoque en variables políticas explicativas y la propensión del entorno local a participar. Los resultados indican que la discontinuidad se asocia: (i) positivamente con el cambio de partido del alcalde entre elecciones, independientemente de la ideología del partido; (ii) positivamente con el cambio de ideología del partido de la alcaldía, con la entrada de partidos ...
Este artigo evidencia a desconexão entre o debate e a produção contemporânea de edifícios residenciais multifamiliares no Brasil, investigando a aplicação do conforto ambiental nos três projetos vencedores do concurso Weefor Arq. Partindo-se de uma análise crítica dos documentos do concurso, avalia-se a adequação das propostas às condicionantes climáticas de Curitiba (ZB1). São realizadas simulações computacionais com os plug-ins Ladybug e Butterfly para analisar a radiação solar na envoltória, o sombreamento das sacadas e a ventilação natural externa aos edifícios. Avaliou-se ainda o atendimento às NBRs 15220 e 15575 quanto ao desempenho térmico da envoltória e ao percentual de área de abertura. Os resultados apontam que, embora o concurso expresse clara preocupação com o bem-estar do usuário, na prática, as limitações impostas pelas dimensões do terreno, legislação urbana, número de unidades solicitadas e o despreparo dos arquitetos quanto aos aspectos de conforto ambiental comprometem a aplicação das estratégias bioclimáticas nos projetos. O artigo denuncia os prejuízos gerados aos usuários quando os arquitetos são excluídos da etapa de planejamento do empreendimento. ; This paper highlights the disconnection between the theoretical and practical activity regarding contemporary residential buildings in Brazil, investigating the environmental comfort solutions in the winning projects of the Weefor Arq design competition. After a critical analysis of the competition's documents, the projects suitability to Curitiba's climate conditions (ZB1) is evaluated. Numerical simulations are carried out with plug-ins Ladybug and Butterfly to assess incident solar radiation in the buildings' envelope, the balconies shading effect and the outdoor natural ventilation conditions. The compliance with NBRs 15220 and 15575 was also evaluated regarding the envelope's thermal properties and the percentage of opening area. Results emphasize that, although the documents express clear concern with users' well-being, in practice, architects do not succeed in applying the bioclimatic strategies due to the limitations imposed by the plot dimensions, legislation, the housing units requested and architects' inability to deal with environmental comfort issues. The paper points out the damage caused to users when architects are excluded from the real estate development stage.
Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.
