Suchergebnisse

The idea that the relations of production determine the political life so branded spirits from the 19th to 20th century ending one has failed in a major fact: to be visible, organized the relations between capital and labor must be crystallised in institutions. Better, it is not the economic policies that determine a country's future, but its political institutions. Moreover, the reasons that prevailed during the design calculations constrain subsequent actions of their inventors and their successors - and this has nothing to do with culture or religion, contrary to what is sometimes believed to draw a widespread conventional wisdom but never demonstrated. Finally, institutions are even more durable and efficient that resolvent two central problems in all societies since the beginnings of humanity: limiting extractive capacities of oligarchs and curb the arms race between them. They do so by allowing citizens to consent to delegate their powers to the State. Adapted from the source document.

Carlos Slim's father liked to remind him that 'You can't take it with you!' These words of wisdom had a profound impact on him. Now the world's richest man - after spending several decades buying up troubled companies and turning them into highly profitable enterprises - the Mexican businessman Carlos Slim has never been one to stockpile luxury goods. At 72, he devotes much of his time and energy to his Foundation, which helps tens of millions of people in Mexico and other countries in Central and Latin America. Education, healthcare, culture and support for prisoners are just some of the Foundation's areas of focus. Carlos Slim, often depicted as a shark of the business world, has become one of the great philanthropists of our time. This is a compelling interview with a modern-day Croesus who is convinced that helping other people is quite simply his duty. Adapted from the source document.

I shall offer here a "dilemmatic" argument for liberal antipaternalism. Either it is the case – as Kantians maintain – that impersonal, impartial and universal rules enjoy ethical priority ; or it is the case – as Communitarians like MacIntyre maintain – that universal rules do not enjoy any such priority. If Kantians are right, then – as suggested by the conventional wisdom of textbooks in political philosophy – State-neutrality towards conceptions of the good is justified. And if Communitarians are right, then – surprisingly – State-neutrality is justified too. Therefore State-neutrality is justified. The first premiss is tautological, and needs no special study. The second premiss, linking the priority of universal rules to State-neutrality, is too well known to deserve our attention. But the third premiss, linking the non-priority of universal rules to State-neutrality, sounds like a paradox. The paper thus focuses on that third controversial premiss.

Eight years of inspections & monitoring by UN weapons Inspectors & the Iraq Survey Group (reporting to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency) have yielded extensive information on the Iraqi biological weapons program & some useful lessons. Iraq's pursuit of biological weapons during the 1980s was shaped both by geostrategic factors & by the unique characteristics of the Iraqi regime, including the personal idiosyncrasies of Saddam Hussein. For Saddam, biological weapons served multiple strategic functions: pre-conflict deterrence, intraconflict deterrence, & escalation dominance. Iraqi BW use doctrine & command-&control arrangements were influenced both by external threats & domestic factors (such as Saddam's fear of a coup d'etat) & evolved over time in response to crisis. The UN investigation of the Iraqi biological weapons program demonstrated the effectiveness of an approach combining multiple methodologies, including aerial surveillance, on-site inspections, import monitoring, interviews, & sampling & analysis. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Iraqi defectors provided little useful information &, indeed, were often a source of deliberate distortions. Adapted from the source document.

The Independent International Commission on Kosovo, created in 1999 by the Swedish government & co-presided by Richard Goldstone & Carl Tham, came to the conclusion in its October 2000 report that the NATO intervention was legitimate, although illegal, & that the aim of establishing an international protectorate that was a consequence of it should be the "conditional independence" of Kosovo. One year later, in Fall 2001, it considers that the situation has evolved in a way that confirms the wisdom of its analyses. The fall of Milosevic & the decline of violent nationalistic movements obvious in the recent elections in various parts of ex-Yugoslavia, far from justifying passivity from the international community, obliges it to seize the opportunity to discuss the final status of Kosovo in the best possible conditions. This independence should be conditional, with shared sovereignty. Indeed, all national sovereignties in the 21st century are shared in some way. A French translation of the original text of the Follow-Up Report on Kosovo by the Independent International Commission on Kosovo follows the article. Adapted from the source document.

Africa may still appeal to many with its exotism; as continent caught up in far-reaching mutations it may capture the interest of religious sociologists, but over and above these attractions it poses today the question of becoming. Africa was formerly world made for man where everything was integrated in meaningful system: nothing was left out. Colonisation and its consequent traumatisms, the extensions of Islam and Christianity into the once closed field of the agrarian religions, the arrival of Education and Knowledge unfamiliar to the Ancients, all these features radically upset the ancient order at its base and revealed the horizons of an inordinate world.
Today the future has to be invented new wisdom and new reasons for believing have to be found without repudiating the princeless lesson of an age which now belongs to the past, namely the need for man to root himself in land, a memory; the assurance that man is more than his work and what he produces; the profound certainty that the secret law of ontological balance is his "porosity" to the world.

Of all the awards handed out each year by innumerable bodies around the world, the most prestigious is undoubtedly the Nobel Peace Prize. The ultimate accolade for its recipients, the prize - established over a century ago - is coveted, revered and at times vehemently criticized. Over the decades, certain decisions have led to intense criticism. Just some of the decisions which have, rightly or wrongly, been sharply contested include the prizes awarded to Americans Theodore Roosevelt (1906), George Marshall (1953), Henry Kissinger (1973) and Barack Obama (2009). The selection of Carl von Ossietzky of Germany in 1935 and Lech Walesa of Poland in 1983 drew negative reactions from Hitler's Reich and the Soviet 'big brother', respectively, and then there was the famous Rabin-Peres-Arafat trio in 1994 and the European Union in 2012, not to mention the recurrent oversight of Mahatma Gandhi. These and other controversies have raised the question, almost since the prize's inception, of whether the Oslo selection committee, in its wisdom and supposed neutrality, is nothing more than an instrument of Norwegian diplomacy. A question which remains open today. Adapted from the source document.

In ancient Greece, war seems to be the normal state of the cities. However, philosophy removes this phenomenon when looking at the origin or purpose of political units. Platon and Aristote advocate an ideal of autarcia and the right balance, which makes the friendship a mechanism that risks breaking the very essence of the City. The reason for such a positioning is the fear of demeasurement, the search for the purpose and the good in itself and, finally, the need for wisdom, which is a source of perfection in all respects. ; Dans la Grèce antique, la guerre semble être l'état normal des Cités. Toutefois, la philosophie écarte ce phénomène lorsqu'elle examine l'origine ou la finalité des unités politiques. Platon et Aristote prônent un idéal d'autarcie et du juste milieu qui fait de l'inimitié un mécanisme risquant de briser l'essence même de la Cité. Un tel positionnement s'explique par la peur de la démesure, la recherche de la vertu et du bien en soi et, enfin, par la nécessité de la sagesse, source de perfection en toute chose.

Community managed forest systems embody a considerable portion of the wisdom, knowledge, and practical skills and management necessary for the sustainability of forest resources globally. These systems, however, are under threat in many ways, including from the rapid rate of change of their political, socio-economic, and biophysical contexts. Adapting forest management sufficiently quickly and effectively to meet these changes is both urgent and very challenging. This Guide introduces criteria and indicators of sustainability for community managed forest landscapes (CMF C&I) as a potential learning and communication tool that can help meet that challenge. It draws on CIFOR collaborative research on CMF C&I in Brazil, Indonesia, and Cameroon to propose a flexible step-by-step approach to developing and implementing self - or collaborative forest monitoring systems, and gives examples of C&I developed by communities in these countries. The approach is targeted to communities and their partners in forest management, such as NGOs, government, or development projects, who are seeking strategies to improve local well-being and forest sustainability through more effective learning, collaboration, and decision-making in local forest management.

The nomadic theme in the literature of the Azores
Adélaïde Batista
This study intends to be more of an existential and symbolic character rather than sociological or historical. It will not consider migratory reality as a phenomenon in itself, nor even address it as a theme of insular literary production. It is believed that because this same migratory reality has always been a referential factor in Azorean life and thought, it has corne to conquer a space in the imagination, fixing itself in the collective memory and imprinting a certain way of looking — a mode or a distinct attitude, indispensable to the conception of a specific literature. It is this attitude, in its mythic force — a reason of being or expression for the Azorean — that will be treated here. This sense of « wandering » establishes a new dimension of time and space and encounters in the house (empty, undone, lost, ownerless, but also the center of the world, the primordial zone, infancy, root) a symbolic expression by virtue of the human condition, shared by every Azorean, and redeemed by the wisdom contained in « another look that is expressed inside us ».

The Chinese theory of Eco-translatology sees translational activities as part of a network of interdependencies that can be investigated in ecosystemic terms. While appropriating the Darwinian principles of 'adaptation' and 'selection,' it also claims to be an indigenous theory with a universal calling, inspired by both traditional wisdom and contemporary ecology. This paper seeks to test the legitimacy of such claims, suggesting that the theoretical and ethical tenets of Eco-translatology actually resonate with the domestic and foreign cultural policies of the People's Republic of China, and that this school of TS is ultimately instrumental in supporting an ideological agenda. ; La théorie chinoise de l'Éco-traductologie considère la traduction comme faisant partie d'un réseau d'interdépendances qui peuvent être étudiées en termes écosystémiques. Tout en s'appropriant les principes darwiniens de « adaptation » et « sélection », elle se veut une théorie indigène à vocation universelle, inspirée à la fois de la pensée traditionnelle et de l'écologie contemporaine. Cet article vise à tester la validité de ces affirmations. On suggère que les principes théoriques et éthiques de l'Éco-traductologie résonnent en réalité avec les politiques culturelles de la République populaire de Chine, et que ce courant joue un rôle important dans le soutien d'un agenda idéologique.

In : "Chronique Italie" ; International audience ; Die Legitimität des Verfassungsgerichts ergibt sich zum Teil aus der Pädagogik, die es nicht so sehr der "Gemeinschaft der Geistlichen", d.h. den Juristen, sondern vor allem allen Bürgern gegenüber demonstriert, jenseits des strengen Syllogismus, der zur Demonstration der von ihm erreichten Lösung verwendet wird. Die daraus resultierende Motivationspflicht muss also reine Vernunft und Phronesis verbinden, entweder technische Demonstration und Vorsicht (im aristotelischen Sinne) oder Weisheit, ohne die reine juristische Elemente gegenüber dem Volk nicht ausreichen würden. Die Motivation erscheint umso wichtiger, als die brutale Alternative Verfassung/Nichtkonformität durch die Einführung von Auslegungsentscheidungen weitgehend abgeschwächt wird und sich der Gerichtshof zudem seit 1988 die Überprüfung von Verfassungsgesetzen erlaubt. Am Beispiel der 1991 und 1993 getroffenen Entscheidungen zu den Referendumsfragen der Wahlgesetze der parlamentarischen Versammlungen lässt sich die Pädagogik, die die Consulta in einem sehr angespannten politischen Kontext zu zeigen hatte, eindrucksvoll veranschaulichen. Zunächst ausgepfiffen, konnte sich der Hof, nachdem die Spannungen abgeklungen waren, Gehör und Verständnis verschaffen. Aber die Turbulenzen um den Beschluss Nr. 47 von 1991 scheinen unter anderem die Einführung von abweichenden Meinungen zu rechtfertigen, die von der politischen Klasse trotz der von der italienischen Doktrin geäußerten Wünsche stets aufgeschoben wurden. ; The legitimacy of the Constitutional Court results in part from the pedagogy it demonstrates, not so much to the "community of clerics", i.e. the jurists, but above all to all citizens, beyond the strict syllogism used to demonstrate the solution it reaches. The resulting obligation to motivate must therefore combine pure reason and phronesis, either technical demonstration and prudence (in the Aristotelian sense) or wisdom, without which pure legal elements would not suffice with respect to the ...

In : "Chronique Italie" ; International audience ; Die Legitimität des Verfassungsgerichts ergibt sich zum Teil aus der Pädagogik, die es nicht so sehr der "Gemeinschaft der Geistlichen", d.h. den Juristen, sondern vor allem allen Bürgern gegenüber demonstriert, jenseits des strengen Syllogismus, der zur Demonstration der von ihm erreichten Lösung verwendet wird. Die daraus resultierende Motivationspflicht muss also reine Vernunft und Phronesis verbinden, entweder technische Demonstration und Vorsicht (im aristotelischen Sinne) oder Weisheit, ohne die reine juristische Elemente gegenüber dem Volk nicht ausreichen würden. Die Motivation erscheint umso wichtiger, als die brutale Alternative Verfassung/Nichtkonformität durch die Einführung von Auslegungsentscheidungen weitgehend abgeschwächt wird und sich der Gerichtshof zudem seit 1988 die Überprüfung von Verfassungsgesetzen erlaubt. Am Beispiel der 1991 und 1993 getroffenen Entscheidungen zu den Referendumsfragen der Wahlgesetze der parlamentarischen Versammlungen lässt sich die Pädagogik, die die Consulta in einem sehr angespannten politischen Kontext zu zeigen hatte, eindrucksvoll veranschaulichen. Zunächst ausgepfiffen, konnte sich der Hof, nachdem die Spannungen abgeklungen waren, Gehör und Verständnis verschaffen. Aber die Turbulenzen um den Beschluss Nr. 47 von 1991 scheinen unter anderem die Einführung von abweichenden Meinungen zu rechtfertigen, die von der politischen Klasse trotz der von der italienischen Doktrin geäußerten Wünsche stets aufgeschoben wurden. ; The legitimacy of the Constitutional Court results in part from the pedagogy it demonstrates, not so much to the "community of clerics", i.e. the jurists, but above all to all citizens, beyond the strict syllogism used to demonstrate the solution it reaches. The resulting obligation to motivate must therefore combine pure reason and phronesis, either technical demonstration and prudence (in the Aristotelian sense) or wisdom, without which pure legal elements would not suffice with respect to the ...

In : "Chronique Italie" ; International audience ; Die Legitimität des Verfassungsgerichts ergibt sich zum Teil aus der Pädagogik, die es nicht so sehr der "Gemeinschaft der Geistlichen", d.h. den Juristen, sondern vor allem allen Bürgern gegenüber demonstriert, jenseits des strengen Syllogismus, der zur Demonstration der von ihm erreichten Lösung verwendet wird. Die daraus resultierende Motivationspflicht muss also reine Vernunft und Phronesis verbinden, entweder technische Demonstration und Vorsicht (im aristotelischen Sinne) oder Weisheit, ohne die reine juristische Elemente gegenüber dem Volk nicht ausreichen würden. Die Motivation erscheint umso wichtiger, als die brutale Alternative Verfassung/Nichtkonformität durch die Einführung von Auslegungsentscheidungen weitgehend abgeschwächt wird und sich der Gerichtshof zudem seit 1988 die Überprüfung von Verfassungsgesetzen erlaubt. Am Beispiel der 1991 und 1993 getroffenen Entscheidungen zu den Referendumsfragen der Wahlgesetze der parlamentarischen Versammlungen lässt sich die Pädagogik, die die Consulta in einem sehr angespannten politischen Kontext zu zeigen hatte, eindrucksvoll veranschaulichen. Zunächst ausgepfiffen, konnte sich der Hof, nachdem die Spannungen abgeklungen waren, Gehör und Verständnis verschaffen. Aber die Turbulenzen um den Beschluss Nr. 47 von 1991 scheinen unter anderem die Einführung von abweichenden Meinungen zu rechtfertigen, die von der politischen Klasse trotz der von der italienischen Doktrin geäußerten Wünsche stets aufgeschoben wurden. ; The legitimacy of the Constitutional Court results in part from the pedagogy it demonstrates, not so much to the "community of clerics", i.e. the jurists, but above all to all citizens, beyond the strict syllogism used to demonstrate the solution it reaches. The resulting obligation to motivate must therefore combine pure reason and phronesis, either technical demonstration and prudence (in the Aristotelian sense) or wisdom, without which pure legal elements would not suffice with respect to the ...