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The film is one of few examples of political documentaries produced in Poland after 1989. It is not limited to merely outlining the political argument over General Jaruzelski's decision to impose martial law. Although it concerns events in Polish history, it is not a historical documentary, as it brings forth present-day political conflicts that have arisen around historical events. Trying to reconstruct this current political argument, Zmarz-Koczanowicz reaches for a method developed in the 1970s by the so-called "Kraków School" led by Krzysztof Kieślowski. ^e "talking heads" method was meant to help documentary filmmakers in the Polish People's Republic reach what the person in the street actually thought and avoid the distortions of propaganda. For Kieślowski, however, the overriding aim was conciliation and an attempt to understand both sides of the political barricade - the authorities and the vox popu- li. His attitude, according to the terminology suggested by Chantal Mouffe, was a post-political one striving for an agreement through a rational dialogue. Zmarz-Koczanowicz's aim, however, is different: she is intent on showing a clash of different hegemonies that do not strive for consensus. Their agonistic argument, played out in the political register, rather than a moral one, is a guarantee, according to this Belgian philosopher of politics, that democracy will continue to exist.

Growth in popularity of computer (video) games is a noticeable change in recent years. Electronic entertainment increasingly engages the wider society and reaches to new audiences by offering them satisfy of wide variety of needs and aspirations. As a mass media games not only provide entertainment, but they are also an important source of income, knowledge and social problems. Article aims to bring closer look on the common areas of games and comics. On the one hand designers and artists working on games are often inspired by comic books, as well as they create their licensed adaptations and separate "interactive issues". On the other hand more and more often we can see comics based on popular games. Study present the areas of agreement, cooperation or dependence like: technologies used to create games and comic books, use of comic books to comment events in the gaming industry and organization of exhibitions or events popularizing the works from both fields.

This paper focuses on the opportunities and challenges of the Polish education system for people with disabilities. To support academic education process, the task of the university is to create conditions which will allow students with disabilities to gain higher education. This will be a step forward into accommodating and participating in social and, most importantly, professional life. The theoretical part presents the institutional and legal conditions of the inclusive education policy, including a comparative analysis of the current legislation and Act 2.0. In the practical part, the model of the support system is presented as a case study on the example of a selected university. The conclusion contains suggestions and recommendations regarding planned legal changes.

The author focuses on the analysis of the participatory budgeting issue. He presents the outcomes of its three-year implementation in Warsaw's Ursynów District. He emphasises more the conclusions drawn from practice than from the confrontation of the reality with the assumptions of participatory budgeting. The participatory budget is defined as a process aimed at enabling the community to directly influence the decision to allocate part of the public budget. Within its scope the inhabitants report proposals for projects worth funding. It is a way of including them in the planning of spending public funds that have been given by the authorities at their disposal. The author formulates the thesis that the practice of the participatory budget functioning in Poland is subject to numerous procedural defects. Local governments do not always produce the right patterns for its implementation. They struggle to match these budgets to their realities and often duplicate mistakes. It is a challenge for self-government councils to use their democratic mandate to more actively shape public spending processes.

The article is an attempt to look at post-socialist tower blocks and modernist housing from a contemporary perspective. It takes the context of post-communist Europe as the basis for analysis, citing Sofia as an example. On the basis of the literature and references to the messages of mass culture, it shows the specificity of a metropolitan neighborhood, and leads the reader to a proposal for a conceptualization of 'neighborhood' using the notion of a neighborhood circle. The empirical part presents the results of a questionnaire carried out by means of a nationwide online survey and by means of interviews carried out in three Polish locations: Poznań, Warsaw and Wronki. The collected empirical data are described from the point of view of selected themes related to the concept of 'neighborhood circles', and analyzed statistically. The recommendations indicate the need to ask further detailed questions and invite discussion, and not only among urban sociologists, on the condition of modernist mass housing from the point of view of building neighborly relations.

Disorders of consciousness belong to the most severe impairments, especially in patients with neurological deficits. Scientists look for novel solution making the breakthrough in contemporary approaches to aforementioned patients. Article aims at assessment of medical, social, economical and ethical result of introduction brain-computer interfaces to the diagnosis and therapy in patients with disorders of consciousness.

The article discusses the condition of civil society in contemporary Serbia, with special emphasis on the relations between its representatives and the authorities (both at the local and state level). The main objective of the analyses is to answer the question of the position of the civil sector within Serbia's broadly understood political system. What role do both formal non-governmental organizations and grassroots non-institutionalized social movements play in this relatively young democracy? What is the attitude of the authorities to grassroots civil activities, which often manifest criticism towards the decisions and actions of those in power? These questions will constitute the central axis of my considerations in this article. The research problem indicated above is analysed on two essential levels. Firstly, the article discusses existing studies and research on the nature of civil society in Serbia and the ways in which it functions. Secondly, the author analyses the results of qualitative research carried out at the late 2018 and early 2019 among representatives of Serbian civil movements and organizations. The conclusions stemming from these analyses are presented in the final part of the article. The analyses carried out indicate the problems that face the civil sector in Serbia. First and foremost, one should draw attention to the authorities' rather negative view of the civil sector. What is also noteworthy is an extended network of connections of the authorities with the private sector as well as with right-wing, nationalist, pro-government organizations. These circumstances to a large extent hinder or even preclude dialogue (and further cooperation) between public and civil institutions.

The author presents three selected types of situations depicting the participation of persons with disabilities, their caregivers and supporting non-governmental organisations, in designing and monitoring the public policy towards disability in Poland. The first type of situations concerns supporting inclusive education. The second type concerns the support system for the caregivers of the persons with disabilities, while the last one refers to the alternative report prepared by NGOs, dealing with Poland's implementation of the U. N. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In each of these cases, the author examines the reasons behind the decision to participate, the process, and the final results of participation. The results show that - although the NGOs of the persons with disabilities have the possibility to participate in the discussion on disability policy - their influence on that policy is insignificant and limited to exceptional situations.

Presented article is focused on the analysis of forced evictions caused by the organization of sport megaevents. The development of sport arenas and associated urban infrastructure usually resulted in forced displacement of many thousand of local inhabitants from its direct neighbourhoods. The first cases of such evictions were observed already during the first half of the twentieth century. During the last three decades mass displacment associated with the sport events becomes a particularly negative sosial issue. We have observed several cases of mass displacement caused by preparation of summer olympic games in Seoul, Atlanta, Athens, Beijing, and Rio de Janeiro. Currently we are observing the growing scale of such evictions in many parts of the globe. The significant scale of such problem is observed in developing states (India, Brazil), as well as in countries ruled in non-democratic manner, charaterized by the low developemt of the institutions of human rights protection. Discussed facts and statistical analysis becomes a point of reference for the in-depth analysis of the economic, political, social, and legal context of this problem. Forced evictions associated with the sport events (so-called mega events) can be considered as a specific category of development-induced displacement and resettlement (DIDR). The article is focused on the most spectacular examples of such evictions observed between 1988 and 2016. My particular attention is devoted to the negative social consequences of this issue and its legal implications.

This article is a case study that presents the international cooperation of one of the 66 Polish cities with the district status - Płock, a city of average size in this category of Polish local self-governments, which, however, is not average in terms of its historical traditions. For several decades it was the capital of Poland and the historical capital of one of its regions, Mazovia. Today, it is a medium-sized city, which is very active in the international arena. For its international cooperation it has been awarded many Council of Europe awards: the European Diploma, the Flag of Honour and the Plaque of Honour. This article presents the activities undertaken by the Płock authorities which led to the awarding of these distinctions.

Artykuł 33 ratyfikowanej w 2012 r. przez Polskę Konwencji ONZ o prawach osób niepełnosprawnych (KPON) wskazuje konieczność prowadzenia działań monitorujących jej wdrażanie przez społeczeństwo obywatelskie, w tym w szczególności organizacje zrzeszające osoby z niepełnosprawnościami. Faktyczna reprezentacja i wpływ środowiska osób z niepełnosprawnościami w myśl zasady "nic o nas bez nas" jest przedmiotem szczególnego zainteresowania Komitetu ONZ o prawach osób niepełnosprawnych, który przygotował komentarz generalny do art. 33 poświęcony tej sprawie. W artykule przeanalizowany został sposób prowadzenia monitoringu KPON w Polsce i włączenie w ten proces osób z różnymi niepełnosprawnościami w kontekście wymagań określonych przez Komitet ONZ. W Polsce monitoring KPON prowadzony jest w dużej mierze przez duże organizacje pozarządowe i grono ekspertów, co ma swoje konsekwencje. Z działań monitoringowych i rzeczniczych praktycznie wykluczone są grupy osób z niepełnosprawnościami narażonych na wielokrotne wykluczenie i dyskryminację, a więc w szczególnie trudnej sytuacji.

The purpose of our research was to analyse the influence of social networks on the perception of the war in Ukraine as well as on the course of the struggle in the information field. Today, social networks have become one of the main trendsetters, therefore, to effectively fight against disinformation and enemy information attacks, it is necessary to understand not only the specifics of their audience's perception of information but also to be well-versed in the specifics of the content generated by social media. For this purpose, we used the comparative method, monitoring, and content analysis. In the article, we give examples of ethical dilemmas that Russia can use to its advantage in the war against Ukraine. For example, social media policies prohibit the posting of sensitive content. This does not allow telling the whole truth about the war, as a result of which not everyone understands the depth of the tragedy. Thanks to this, the world's reaction to Russia's criminal actions is not as harsh as it could be. Our research was an attempt not only to outline the problem but also to propose ways to solve it. It is clear that media and ethics are inseparable, but at the same time, it is necessary to understand that ethics cannot hide the truth. In future studies, it is worth investigating more deeply the ethical norms of the coverage of sensitive content, especially about war. Perhaps it would be worthwhile indicating the situations that allow departure from the general rules.