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Introduces a collection of papers investigating the role of women in radical & nonmainstream political movements in modern US society from a variety of perspectives. Despite their diversity, contributions share several themes: (1) Gender shapes political identity & consciousness. (2) Women's radicalism is sensible only in terms of local organizational contexts & personal histories. (3) Women's militant activism is nurtured in institutions that privilege emotional issues. (4) Women's activism is directly connected to wider social & political contexts that can be supportive, hostile, or neutral. 33 References. D. Ryfe

Describes how "ordinary" women have formed the mass base & leadership behind nongovernmental environmental groups dedicated to direct action & civil disobedience. It is argued that women can sometimes use their "gender privileges," ie, their positions as homemakers & mothers in societies with strict divisions of labor, to further environmental goals in ways that men cannot. Women are also able to both challenge traditional gender stereotypes & use them to their advantage. Three case studies of such activities are offered: (1) the 1970s Chipko movement against deforestation in the Himalayan mountains of India; (2) the creation of a homeowners' association to fight the health hazards caused by pollution in Love Canal outside Buffalo, NY; & (3) the resistance against the building of a toxic waste dump in a poor, working-class black community near Raleigh, NC. 23 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Describes how "ordinary" women have formed the mass base & leadership behind nongovernmental environmental groups dedicated to direct action & civil disobedience. It is argued that women can sometimes use their "gender privileges," ie, their positions as homemakers & mothers in societies with strict divisions of labor, to further environmental goals in ways that men cannot. Women are also able to both challenge traditional gender stereotypes & use them to their advantage. Three case studies of such activities are offered: (1) the 1970s Chipko movement against deforestation in the Himalayan mountains of India; (2) the creation of a homeowners' association to fight the health hazards caused by pollution in Love Canal outside Buffalo, NY; & (3) the resistance against the building of a toxic waste dump in a poor, working-class black community near Raleigh, NC. 23 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Established & stereotypical attitudes about women's relation to war are examined. Statements opining the relatively abstract or relational bent of male & female thinking are cited. Links between thinking types & warmongering are drawn. Quotes & opinions from the work of Burguieres, Carroll, Harris, Ruddick, & Steihm are used to inspect narrow views of women, men, & armed conflict. The feminist theoretical challenge for a rethinking of the meaning of power & its use in various contexts is enhanced by quotes from Weber & Foucault. The "women & peace" stereotype is considered in relation to male pacifists such as Gandhi & Tolstoy, & with regard to war as a pursuit of abstract ideals. Conclusions focus on the discrepancies belying hidebound notions of women & peace. Reworking of responsibility through powerful institutions & societal networks is advocated. M. C. Leary

In order to filter women's use & role in the Yugoslav war through an "action-response complex" model, Slapsak considers the anthropological & cultural traditions of the Balkans. Illustrations of seminal Serbian poetry, philosophy, & mythology are given. The activities & history of death cults are examined. Female striving for independence is related from the French Revolution. Changes in Yugoslav women's roles after WWII & in relation to communism are delineated. Also considered are the impacts of Tito's death, widespread rape in Bosnia, conflicts between feminism & Croatian nationalism, Serbian women's war opposition, & activities such as "Women in Black." Consideration of women's potential considers populist reactions to the war's purported causes, the role of international media attention, & transmutation by women of tradition & ritual to address wounds & issues. M. C. Leary

Discusses the point of women's inscription as Canadian citizens & addresses its manifestation in public policy. The defining period for Canadian women's citizenship is seen as from the 1880s to the 1920s, culminating in the right to vote. Women could be recognized as citizens in two ways: as mothers & as humans. The primacy of maternal feminism is noted, & the construction of this form of citizenship is demonstrated through an examination of those areas in which women took the lead in social reform, eg, settlement houses, local councils, specialized children's hospitals, advocacy for teaching domestic science in school, & the prohibition movement. This activism set the stage for women achieving the right to vote. It is contended that Canadian public policy has considered gender more for some issues than for others & this is seen as a function of the particular characteristics ascribed to women as citizens; ie, their role as mothers is viewed as more salient than anything related to equality. To illustrate, a comparison is made between policies focused on violence against women, where state intervention is serious, & those focused on equal pay, where Canada has been less successful. J. Zendejas

Examines women's role in contemporary racist movements & the impact of their growing membership on organized racism, drawing on observational, documentary, & interview data; in particular, unstructured life-history interviews were conducted with 34 female members, ages 16-90, of US racist groups in the mid-1990s to examine their level of racist identification & commitment. Familial, social, & operative roles of women are detailed. Tensions concomitant with the introduction of women into the racist movement are then discussed in terms of conflicts within racist groups & personal relationships. In this light, the problematic nature of gender inclusion in racist groups is evident. J. Zendejas

Die Autorin berichtet aus US-amerikanischen Hochschuleinrichtungen, die von Spitzenuniversitäten bis zu einem Community College reichen, und zeigt, welche Rolle die Leitungsebene von Frauen dabei spielt. Diese Einrichtungen haben zum beruflichen Erfolg von Wissenschaftlerinnen beigetragen, indem die jeweilige Hochschulleitung sich engagiert für die Frauenförderung und eine Gleichstellungspolitik einsetzte, die Leitbilder von Gender Mainstreaming und Diversity als Elemente von Exzellenz betrachtete und dies auch nach innen und außen kommunizierte. Hinzu müssen allerdings geeignete Gleichstellungsprogramme, eine hinreichende Finanzierung und eine generelle Veränderung des kulturellen Klimas in der Hochschule treten, wie die Autorin in ihrem Vortrag betont. Dabei ist das Ziel solcher Programme zum einen der weitere berufliche Aufstieg von Frauen auf eine höhere Position in den Personalstrukturen der Universität und insofern deutschen Programmen zur besseren Vorbereitung auf eine erfolgreiche Professur vergleichbar. Zum anderen erfolgt explizit eine Stärkung der Motivation für die Beteiligung an wichtigen Gremien sowie die Vorbereitung auf die Übernahme von Leitungsfunktionen für Frauen, von der Institutsleitung bis zur Hochschulleitung. (ICI).

A discussion of the role of women in Soka Gakkai notes that the women's division was established in 1940, & the first women's division leaders' meeting was held in 1951, shortly after formation of a new organizational structure. The changing roles & functions of the women's division are described, along with the impact of important leaders like Yasu Kashiwabara, who was able to inspire women to gain confidence & recognize their capabilities. It is maintained that the women within Soka Gakkai have consistently strengthened solidarity among themselves by taking control of their lives. The impact of Soka Gakkai's entry into politics & the increase in working women in Japan are discussed, along with the establishment of both an international women's division & a women's peace committee. It is contended that the women's division has reflected changes in Japanese society while retaining the spiritual & moral support afforded by Buddhism. Other issues addressed include problems stemming from Japan's gender structure, the relationship of women in Soka Gakkai with women's liberation movements, & prospects for the future. J. Lindroth

Discusses women's activities in the rural economy in Nigeria, focusing on regional variations in individual states. It is shown that women play vital roles in the rural economy, producing a substantial proportion of the nation's food & engaging in its processing & preservation. However, women's rights of ownership or use & control of production are found to be constrained by access to material resources & sociocultural factors. Programs designed to assist women, first introduced in the 1970s, are described as facing several kinds of problems, eg, lack of funding & staff resources, women's limited participation in the planning process, & insufficient research on rural women's economic activities. Program developers are encouraged to provide better access to basic resources & to engage in more education of both men & women as to the role of women in the nation's economy. 2 Tables. D. M. Smith

Critically discusses Gita Sen & Caren Grown's Development, Crises, and Alternative Visions (1987), a theoretical explication of an alternative to the prevailing ideology of the women in development project, focusing on (1) their deployment of the sexual division of labor category as a way of understanding women's oppression; (2) the relation of sexual division of labor to emancipatory forms of knowledge; & (3) the representation of Third World women as victims in narratives of Northern feminists. It is argued that Sen & Grown have failed to provide an acceptable alternative framework for the development enterprise. More specifically, they are criticized for privileging a production-reproduction grid, which has the effect of importing into their discourse & practice the very presuppositions they wish to oppose, ie, capitalism & patriarchy. Further, by incorporating all women's experience under the category of labor, Sen & Grown are accused of erasing differences in women's organizations & political affiliations & class, race, & gender barriers. D. M. Smith