Suchergebnisse

The relevance of the study of the living conditions of rural women is related to the actual demographic situation in the Russian hinterland. In rural areas of the Russian Federation there is a stable decline in the population due, first of all, to natural population decrease, as well as migration outflow connected with low standards and quality of life, unattractiveness of labor in rural areas, and social infrastructure. Rural women as a socio-demographic group with typical socio-psychological, ideological, moral and ethno-cultural characteristics, similar spiritual values, social experience and lifestyles, being a more numerous part of the population of rural territories, act as a kind of bulwark for preservation of the village, its culture, traditions and rural economy as a whole. A quarter of all Russian women live in rural areas. Distribution of the country's population by gender and age groups as of January 1, 2019 shows that women predominate in the rural population (52%). And the group of women over working age is twice as large as that of men (6775 thousand against 3230 thousand). In other words, Russian village has actually a female face. In this regard, the study of rural women's issues is very important and timely. The article shows the role of women in the social development of the village, provides excerpts from interviews of rural female activists, their reasoning about how they live despite the difficulties that surround them. It highlights demographic trends in rural areas, assesses the quality of the labor potential of rural residents in comparison with urban residents, and shows a higher level of self-realization in labor activity among women than among men.

This article is devoted to the issues of electoral rights of women and their participation in public administration. The history of the development of women's voting right and their involvement in political processes is considered based on international norms and experience of foreign countries. Particular attention is paid to regulatory documents on the protection of the rights and freedom, the legitimate interests of women in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Moreover, the author analyzed the features and results of new reforms in Uzbekistan carried out in the economic, social, political spheres to increase the role of girls and women, as well as changing gender dynamics in the Parliament. In addition, the scientific work presents some proposals for enhancing the socio-political activity of females, strengthening their role in managing the state and society.

Tunisia has witnessed a disturbing rise in online misogyny and disinformation since President Kais Saied's July 2021 coup.

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.

In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.

Over the past year, protesters have sustained the revolutionary "Woman, Life, Freedom" uprising in Iran and throughout the diaspora.

This article discusses the potential of Uzbek women during the period of independence, their freedom to work in any field and their place in society.

Bringing more women into national and state politics could be a significant step for women's representation, but several factors may threaten progress.