Suchergebnisse

Within a few years, Christophe Guilluy has turned out to be the most important geographer in the French media. While working as a territorial adviser, he gave a comprehensive layout on the French territorial framework and took part in a political project. Thanks to this committed involvement, geography got more implicated in the public debate.Many geographers thus analysed his ideas through a scientific process. Consequently, scientific debates and public debates have become closely related both nourished by many contributors. It raises a question about the place that geography occupies in the French intellectual world. Place regarding localization, place regarding ideas and influence. ; En quelques années, Christophe Guilluy est devenu le géographe le plus médiatisé du paysage audiovisuel français. Parallèlement à son activité de consultant en expertise territoriale, il a proposé une grille de lecture sur l'organisation du territoire français et a participé à dresser les contours d'une action politique. Cet engagement actif et assumé a eu pour effet d'impliquer la géographie dans le débat public.De nombreux géographes ont alors analysé et soumis ses idées aux cribles de la démarche scientifique. Cela a eu pour corollaire de mettre en rapport les débats scientifiques et les débats publics, nourris conjointement par un grand nombre de contributeurs. De ce fait, cela pose la question de la place de la géographie dans le paysage intellectuel français. Place occupée dans le sens de localisation concrète, des lieux, mais aussi dans le sens d'emprise mentale, des idées.

Within a few years, Christophe Guilluy has turned out to be the most important geographer in the French media. While working as a territorial adviser, he gave a comprehensive layout on the French territorial framework and took part in a political project. Thanks to this committed involvement, geography got more implicated in the public debate.Many geographers thus analysed his ideas through a scientific process. Consequently, scientific debates and public debates have become closely related both nourished by many contributors. It raises a question about the place that geography occupies in the French intellectual world. Place regarding localization, place regarding ideas and influence. ; En quelques années, Christophe Guilluy est devenu le géographe le plus médiatisé du paysage audiovisuel français. Parallèlement à son activité de consultant en expertise territoriale, il a proposé une grille de lecture sur l'organisation du territoire français et a participé à dresser les contours d'une action politique. Cet engagement actif et assumé a eu pour effet d'impliquer la géographie dans le débat public.De nombreux géographes ont alors analysé et soumis ses idées aux cribles de la démarche scientifique. Cela a eu pour corollaire de mettre en rapport les débats scientifiques et les débats publics, nourris conjointement par un grand nombre de contributeurs. De ce fait, cela pose la question de la place de la géographie dans le paysage intellectuel français. Place occupée dans le sens de localisation concrète, des lieux, mais aussi dans le sens d'emprise mentale, des idées.

The sociolinguistic environment in Gabon comprises the languages of the Pigmies, the Bantou languages, French and the other languages spoken by foreigners. French, as the official language, has three speeh registers: the acrolectal, mesolectal and basilectal forms. At the start, the manifestations of the endogenous norm of French in the Gabonese written media are rooted in urbanisation. Libreville, as the concrete expression of Gabonese urban disparity, carries the dynamic at the heart of the socioliguistic process of French establishing itself in Gabon. Thus, the political and administrative capital of Gabon is either a factor of unification, conflict and linguistic coexistence; either Libreville gives the outline of communication involving the media broadcasters, advertisers and producers, as seen from the angles of two currents of a diverse press: the State and the opposition medias.Then, in a second stage, the linguistic characteristics of the French language are conveyed through a linguistic imaginative world. It includes three types of norms: systemic, statistical and subjective ones. The systemic norms throw light on the development of linguistic idiosyncratic forms, on the influence of substratum languages, on the use of all language registers and on the intermingling of written and oral codes. The statistical norms reflect the statistical hierarchy of linguistic features and causalities linked to the changes of the language in the process of urbanisation, to the sociopolitical context and to logical discursive causes. The last i.e. the subjective norms translate the differences in language representations generating a feeling of linguistic insecurity. This can be sensed under a double perspective, the one of the co-text as related to Makaya and the one of the context. Makaya, perceived as "improper", presents the man/woman in the street taking offense at the failings of society. Journalists are spokepersons who through their working for a newspaper take part in the construction of the endogenous norm ...

The sociolinguistic environment in Gabon comprises the languages of the Pigmies, the Bantou languages, French and the other languages spoken by foreigners. French, as the official language, has three speeh registers: the acrolectal, mesolectal and basilectal forms. At the start, the manifestations of the endogenous norm of French in the Gabonese written media are rooted in urbanisation. Libreville, as the concrete expression of Gabonese urban disparity, carries the dynamic at the heart of the socioliguistic process of French establishing itself in Gabon. Thus, the political and administrative capital of Gabon is either a factor of unification, conflict and linguistic coexistence; either Libreville gives the outline of communication involving the media broadcasters, advertisers and producers, as seen from the angles of two currents of a diverse press: the State and the opposition medias.Then, in a second stage, the linguistic characteristics of the French language are conveyed through a linguistic imaginative world. It includes three types of norms: systemic, statistical and subjective ones. The systemic norms throw light on the development of linguistic idiosyncratic forms, on the influence of substratum languages, on the use of all language registers and on the intermingling of written and oral codes. The statistical norms reflect the statistical hierarchy of linguistic features and causalities linked to the changes of the language in the process of urbanisation, to the sociopolitical context and to logical discursive causes. The last i.e. the subjective norms translate the differences in language representations generating a feeling of linguistic insecurity. This can be sensed under a double perspective, the one of the co-text as related to Makaya and the one of the context. Makaya, perceived as "improper", presents the man/woman in the street taking offense at the failings of society. Journalists are spokepersons who through their working for a newspaper take part in the construction of the endogenous norm ...

This article questions the importance of agricultural press for the majoritarian farmers' union, the FNSEA, dealing with the question of its representativeness. At first, the authors highlight a phased trend towards press concentration to the benefit of majority union. During challenging times, the core issue remains the FNSEA ability to reassert its position and especially to symbolically build the unity of the peasantry, a highly heterogeneous social group. Reussir is established in 1986. It groups together departmental newspapers under the union monitoring. The most powerful or agricultural organizations takes equity investments in two flagships of this agricultural press (Agra press agency, France agricole) in 2011. Thus, FNSEA could champion the cause of the agricultural world. Shareholding is an attribute of union forces. Secondly, the authors question the control modalities by the union of the editorial line and the journalists working in different newspapers linked to the FNSEA. They describe the variety of union dependency connections, linked to the individual trajectories of journalists. Thus, the article shows that FNSEA is far from exercising on those medias a monolithic domination. Adapted from the source document.

Romance and popular ethos.
In studying the life and work of Denise Roux, an obscure writer of popular romances, we tried to discover the relationship between a trajectory, a habitus and a field of literary possibilities ; to this end we mobilized principles of analysis more often used for legitimate producers and productions. From this point of view, Denise Roux's access to this disqualified area of the field of cultural production appears to be the product of an encounter between a (popular) ethos and the values found in this particular market, between her dispositions and the positions to be occupied. But first we needed to clarify the conditions of possibility for « taking the pen » that characterize agents from dominated classes disposing of few educational and cultural resources, and to demonstrate the existence of (relatively) diversified thematic and stylistic possibilities within a space normally regarded as uniform. In this space, Denise Roux published some one hundred poems and short stories. Some show a « humanitarian bent», which facilitated her access to specific forms of literary recognition and social circles. Her life as she tells it is inseparable from her working-class background, daughter and wife of working-class men, and from the internalization of, in part literary, models for representing this experience.

International audience ; his article intends to analyse the Moroccan journalistic field since the 1990s using a relational sociology looking at its news businesses and showing their strong dependence on the economic and political fields. This initial analysis of the paper and electronic non-specialised press (and its managers) is based on five main issues. The first recalls the history of the non-partisan press and the trajectories of social and political protest within it since independence, showing how the Moroccan field of power has restricted both the press supply and its potential audiences. The second part describes, on the one hand, the explosion of the supply of information on paper titles since the 1990s, and digital press, especially since 2011, and, on the other hand, the gradual expansion of its audiences, especially in Arabic. The following sections extend the analysis of the contemporary configuration through the restructuring of the very political economy of this small market of non-partisan "press enterprises". First of all, its structural weaknesses explain the intensity of the political stakes around the official/unofficial modes of financing of the press and the difficulties to find profitable "economic models". Then, we explain this interpenetration of the economic, political and journalistic fields in the analysis of the professional, political and social trajectories of the main investors of this new press, showing the weight of their political and social capital. Finally, the relative closure of this market is seen even more through the oligopoly of advertising market, largely related to the field of power, which weighs very directly on the working of press companies. ; L'article analyse l'espace journalistique marocain depuis les années 1990. Partant d'une sociologie relationnelle des entreprises de presse (papier et électronique), il montre leur forte dépendance à l'égard des champs politique et économique. Cinq entrées sont privilégiées. La première synthétise l'histoire de la presse ...

International audience ; his article intends to analyse the Moroccan journalistic field since the 1990s using a relational sociology looking at its news businesses and showing their strong dependence on the economic and political fields. This initial analysis of the paper and electronic non-specialised press (and its managers) is based on five main issues. The first recalls the history of the non-partisan press and the trajectories of social and political protest within it since independence, showing how the Moroccan field of power has restricted both the press supply and its potential audiences. The second part describes, on the one hand, the explosion of the supply of information on paper titles since the 1990s, and digital press, especially since 2011, and, on the other hand, the gradual expansion of its audiences, especially in Arabic. The following sections extend the analysis of the contemporary configuration through the restructuring of the very political economy of this small market of non-partisan "press enterprises". First of all, its structural weaknesses explain the intensity of the political stakes around the official/unofficial modes of financing of the press and the difficulties to find profitable "economic models". Then, we explain this interpenetration of the economic, political and journalistic fields in the analysis of the professional, political and social trajectories of the main investors of this new press, showing the weight of their political and social capital. Finally, the relative closure of this market is seen even more through the oligopoly of advertising market, largely related to the field of power, which weighs very directly on the working of press companies. ; L'article analyse l'espace journalistique marocain depuis les années 1990. Partant d'une sociologie relationnelle des entreprises de presse (papier et électronique), il montre leur forte dépendance à l'égard des champs politique et économique. Cinq entrées sont privilégiées. La première synthétise l'histoire de la presse non partisane et les trajectoires de la contestation sociale et politique en son sein depuis l'indépendance, montrant comment le champ du pouvoir marocain a restreint à la fois l'offre de presse et ses publics potentiels. La deuxième décrit, d'une part, l'explosion de l'offre d'informations sur les supports papiers depuis les années 1990, et électroniques, tout particulièrement depuis 2011, et, d'autre part, l'élargissement progressif de ses publics, notamment en langue arabe. Les volets suivants prolongent l'analyse de la situation contemporaine au prisme de la restructuration de l'économie très politique de ce petit marché des « entreprises de presse » non partisanes. D'abord, ses faiblesses structurelles expliquent l'intensité des enjeux politiques autour des modes de financements officiels/officieux de la presse et les difficultés à trouver des « modèles économiques » rentables. Ensuite, on retrouve cette interpénétration des champs économique, politique et journalistique dans l'analyse des trajectoires professionnelles, politiques et sociales des principaux investisseurs de cette nouvelle presse, montrant le poids de leur capital politique et social. Enfin, la relative fermeture de ce marché se voit encore davantage à travers l'oligopole de la publicité, en grande partie liée au champ du pouvoir, qui pèse très directement sur le fonctionnement des entreprises de presse.

International audience ; his article intends to analyse the Moroccan journalistic field since the 1990s using a relational sociology looking at its news businesses and showing their strong dependence on the economic and political fields. This initial analysis of the paper and electronic non-specialised press (and its managers) is based on five main issues. The first recalls the history of the non-partisan press and the trajectories of social and political protest within it since independence, showing how the Moroccan field of power has restricted both the press supply and its potential audiences. The second part describes, on the one hand, the explosion of the supply of information on paper titles since the 1990s, and digital press, especially since 2011, and, on the other hand, the gradual expansion of its audiences, especially in Arabic. The following sections extend the analysis of the contemporary configuration through the restructuring of the very political economy of this small market of non-partisan "press enterprises". First of all, its structural weaknesses explain the intensity of the political stakes around the official/unofficial modes of financing of the press and the difficulties to find profitable "economic models". Then, we explain this interpenetration of the economic, political and journalistic fields in the analysis of the professional, political and social trajectories of the main investors of this new press, showing the weight of their political and social capital. Finally, the relative closure of this market is seen even more through the oligopoly of advertising market, largely related to the field of power, which weighs very directly on the working of press companies. ; L'article analyse l'espace journalistique marocain depuis les années 1990. Partant d'une sociologie relationnelle des entreprises de presse (papier et électronique), il montre leur forte dépendance à l'égard des champs politique et économique. Cinq entrées sont privilégiées. La première synthétise l'histoire de la presse non partisane et les trajectoires de la contestation sociale et politique en son sein depuis l'indépendance, montrant comment le champ du pouvoir marocain a restreint à la fois l'offre de presse et ses publics potentiels. La deuxième décrit, d'une part, l'explosion de l'offre d'informations sur les supports papiers depuis les années 1990, et électroniques, tout particulièrement depuis 2011, et, d'autre part, l'élargissement progressif de ses publics, notamment en langue arabe. Les volets suivants prolongent l'analyse de la situation contemporaine au prisme de la restructuration de l'économie très politique de ce petit marché des « entreprises de presse » non partisanes. D'abord, ses faiblesses structurelles expliquent l'intensité des enjeux politiques autour des modes de financements officiels/officieux de la presse et les difficultés à trouver des « modèles économiques » rentables. Ensuite, on retrouve cette interpénétration des champs économique, politique et journalistique dans l'analyse des trajectoires professionnelles, politiques et sociales des principaux investisseurs de cette nouvelle presse, montrant le poids de leur capital politique et social. Enfin, la relative fermeture de ce marché se voit encore davantage à travers l'oligopole de la publicité, en grande partie liée au champ du pouvoir, qui pèse très directement sur le fonctionnement des entreprises de presse.

International audience ; his article intends to analyse the Moroccan journalistic field since the 1990s using a relational sociology looking at its news businesses and showing their strong dependence on the economic and political fields. This initial analysis of the paper and electronic non-specialised press (and its managers) is based on five main issues. The first recalls the history of the non-partisan press and the trajectories of social and political protest within it since independence, showing how the Moroccan field of power has restricted both the press supply and its potential audiences. The second part describes, on the one hand, the explosion of the supply of information on paper titles since the 1990s, and digital press, especially since 2011, and, on the other hand, the gradual expansion of its audiences, especially in Arabic. The following sections extend the analysis of the contemporary configuration through the restructuring of the very political economy of this small market of non-partisan "press enterprises". First of all, its structural weaknesses explain the intensity of the political stakes around the official/unofficial modes of financing of the press and the difficulties to find profitable "economic models". Then, we explain this interpenetration of the economic, political and journalistic fields in the analysis of the professional, political and social trajectories of the main investors of this new press, showing the weight of their political and social capital. Finally, the relative closure of this market is seen even more through the oligopoly of advertising market, largely related to the field of power, which weighs very directly on the working of press companies. ; L'article analyse l'espace journalistique marocain depuis les années 1990. Partant d'une sociologie relationnelle des entreprises de presse (papier et électronique), il montre leur forte dépendance à l'égard des champs politique et économique. Cinq entrées sont privilégiées. La première synthétise l'histoire de la presse non partisane et les trajectoires de la contestation sociale et politique en son sein depuis l'indépendance, montrant comment le champ du pouvoir marocain a restreint à la fois l'offre de presse et ses publics potentiels. La deuxième décrit, d'une part, l'explosion de l'offre d'informations sur les supports papiers depuis les années 1990, et électroniques, tout particulièrement depuis 2011, et, d'autre part, l'élargissement progressif de ses publics, notamment en langue arabe. Les volets suivants prolongent l'analyse de la situation contemporaine au prisme de la restructuration de l'économie très politique de ce petit marché des « entreprises de presse » non partisanes. D'abord, ses faiblesses structurelles expliquent l'intensité des enjeux politiques autour des modes de financements officiels/officieux de la presse et les difficultés à trouver des « modèles économiques » rentables. Ensuite, on retrouve cette interpénétration des champs économique, politique et journalistique dans l'analyse des trajectoires professionnelles, politiques et sociales des principaux investisseurs de cette nouvelle presse, montrant le poids de leur capital politique et social. Enfin, la relative fermeture de ce marché se voit encore davantage à travers l'oligopole de la publicité, en grande partie liée au champ du pouvoir, qui pèse très directement sur le fonctionnement des entreprises de presse.