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The nature of cooperation regularly changes under pressure from new calls and threats between the actors of international relations. By means of system analysis and comparison methods, the article discloses the basic theoretical approaches to understanding of the "new world order" phenomenon, which as a result turns into a comprehensive globalization. The article summarizes the modern trends of forming the XXI century international reality, taking into account new actors, their influence on stability and variability of the imperious systems, and analyzes in detail the concepts of modern scientists who form an international discourse on the search for a new paradigm of world order. The study identifies the main characteristics of the world order – legitimacy, the mechanism of change and balance of power. The key shortcomings of the post-war world order have been identified, which include the lack of effectiveness of international organizations at various levels in ensuring the principle of sovereignty for states, respect for borders; imbalance of economic growth between nations; lack of effective sanctions against violators of international law and ensuring the universal rights of citizens; discredited democratic political model, which was recognized as dominant in the post-bipolar era, and so on. Accordingly, there were considered modern approaches to a "new world order" formation, as a result of which it was proposed to take into account the new realities of interdependence that determine the future peaceful coexistence of nations – a balance between freedom of national actors action and international law; balance between legitimacy and power; balance between "regional order" and "international". In general, the international discourse on the search for the "new world order" boundaries is common in the construction of the XXI century multipolar world, the importance of consensus between nations and the legitimacy of new rules for all actors in international relations.

The article describes the spread of crime and its specific classes in the world and in the regions. It is established that in most countries there is a steady tendency to decrease relative crime rates, first of all, violent crime rates. Over the past 25 years, the homicide rates in the world have been gradually decreasing. At the same time, absolute figures for the number of victims of these crimes are on the rise. According to the UN, the intentional homicide rates in Asia in 2017 are the lowest in the world (2.3 per 100,000 population), the highest rate are in South America (25). In the EU Member States from 2008 to 2017, the number of motor vehicle thefts and assaults has decreased significantly. Although the number of crimes is decreasing, the world community has faced a new configuration of crime. Cybercrime, organized crime, including drug trafficking, is on the rise. These crimes are, for the most part, transnational. In Ukraine, the crime rate increased from 780 per 100,000 populations in 1991 to 1054 in 2019. The absolute number of reported crimes in Ukraine in 1991 was 405,516, in 2019 – 444,130. Ukraine's rate of intentional homicide per 100,000 population decreases: 2014 – 10.8, 2015 – 7.5; 2016 – 4.3; 2017 – 3.8; 2018 – 3.6; 2019 – 3.5. The increase in homicide rates in 2014-2015 is related to Russia's military aggression against Ukraine and the large number of people killed in the hostilities. The perception of crime depends largely on media coverage of the issue. Public opinion polls show that respondents believe that crime in the country is increasing at the national level even when official data and victim surveys indicate that it is decreasing. In many countries around the world, official reporting is compared to alternative sources of crime information, including National victimization surveys. Representative victim surveys should be conducted at a national level to verify and supplement official report in Ukraine.

Military confl icts are inherent in humanity throughout the entire historical process. An indispensable attribute of life is the confrontation and armed struggle between states, peoples and nations. The war looks like a negative phenomenon on the background of civilization's remarkable achievements. At the same time the war acts as the engine that determines the periodic domination of one over the other. Therefore, the nature of interaction between people implies the emergence of armed confrontation by type «invader-defender». When humanity is entering into new civilizational realities, as a rule, it explodes by military confl icts, which are based on the ideology, economy, etc. In the past century, racial and class factors were the basis of intergovernmental confl icts at the global society. The confrontation of dictatorial regimes in this background became a reason of the largest tragedy in the terms of victims number – World War II. The historical realities of the life of Pereiaslav are used in the article to show the local vision of the events of the time. The author of the article uses the latest theoretical and methodological innovations in order to recreate the atmosphere of the war age on the basis of documentary sources, scientifi c assessments. The conclusion is made on the necessity of an objective study of this time interval at the local level.

The article analyzes the peculiarities of changing socio-economic leadership at the end of the nineteenth century. It is shown that Britain`s lag behind its rivals in foreign markets is associated withthe transition to an extensive algorithm for the existence of the largest empire in the world, the homeland of the industrial revolution, its reorientation to financially usurious mechanisms forobtaining super-profits, an indicator of the beginning of the stadial-civilizational decline of the classical bourgeois formation. It is shown that Germany, which in our time continues to be consideredthe main culprit for World War I, during this period, receives competitive advantages, first of all, by forcing an innovative component of its development, due to the election of a fundamentally different,relative to the Anglo-Saxon, model of the postсapitalist type of social order. It is important that on the basis of similar principles of the new social system in the twentieth century, a number of developedcountries of the East and West have made an economic miracle. It has been proved that the sources of antagonism between the most powerful geopolitical players that led to the Great War are due not so much to the so-called colonial redistribution of the world, but to the collision of two incompatible strategies for the further existence of mankind. Moreover, the doom of the Russian Empire for such an approach was related precisely to the fact that once again lost the historical chance of its own modernization, it was in the world military conflict that was inevitable, because of the domination in the state of a compradoriously oriented "lazy class" (T .Veblen), elected the status of a satellite of the United Kingdom and France, which at that time was the main outpost of the rotting monopoly financial and invading imperialism of a qualitatively new global type, which eventually became the main cause of both worlds wars, and then the cold and present "hybrid" wars (the current Putin regime is derived from the modern global "postmodern system" of postmodern neocolonialism). The hypothesis that the cause of the First and Second World Wars was the only aggressive nationalism is refuted, which in fact, in the form of Nazism became a non-constructive reaction to the globally-permissive parasitism that caused the First World War and the "communist experiment", generated by the civil war caused by the catastrophe of the unprecedented in terms of the scale of the war of 1914-1918. ; У статті проаналізовано особливості зміни соціально-економічного лідерства наприкінці ХІХ століття. Показано, що відставання Великої Британії від своїх конкурентів на зовнішніхринках пов'язано з переходом на екстенсивний алгоритм існування найбільшої імперії світу, яка стала батьківщиною промислового перевороту, її переорієнтацією на фінансово-лихварськімеханізми отримання надприбутків, що є показником початку стадіально-цивілізаційного занепаду класичної буржуазної формації. Показано, що Німеччина, яку і в наш час багатоісториків продовжують вважати головним винуватцем Першої світової війни, в цей період отримує конкурентні переваги насамперед за рахунок форсування інноваційної складової свогорозвитку, обумовленого обранням принципово іншої, відносно англо-саксонскої, моделі суспільного ладу посткапіталістичного типу. Важливо, що саме на основі подібних засад новогосуспільного ладу вже у ХХ столітті низка розвинених країн Сходу і Заходу здійснили економічне диво.Доведено, що витоки антагонізму між найпотужнішими геополітичними гравцями, який призвів до Великої війни, обумовлені не стільки так званим колоніальним переділом світу, скількизіткненням двох несумісних стратегій подальшого існування людства. Причому, приреченість Російської імперії за такого підходу, була пов'язана саме з тим, що черговий раз втратившиісторичний шанс власної модернізації, вона у світовому воєнному конфлікті, який був неминучим, через панування в державі компрадорські орієнтованого «класу, що байдикує» (Т. Веблен),обрала статус сателіта Великої Британії та Франції, які на той час були основним форпостом саме загниваючого монопольно-фінансового та загарбницького імперіалізму якісно нового глобального типу, що, врешті-решт, став головною причиною обох світових, а потім Холодної та нинішньої «гібридної», війн (нинішній путінський режим є похідним від сучасної глобальної«світосистеми» вже постмодерного неоколоніалізму). Також спростовано гіпотезу, що причиною Першої та Другої світових воєн був виключно агресивний націоналізм, який насправді у формі нацизму став лише неконструктивною реакцією на глобально-лихварський паразитизм, що спричинив Першу світову війну та «комуністичний експеримент», породжений громадянською війною, обумовленою катастрофою ще небаченої за масштабами воєнної бійні 1914-1918 років.

This article highlights the key issue of conflict in a globalizing world. Conflict is seen as a military and political means of wars, "hybrid conflicts", conflict clashes, confrontation. The relevance of the article is to identify comparative methods of studying conflicts, as a manifestation of a new manifestation of the world community to counter. The purpose of the study is to analyze conflicts as a form of mass conflict interaction in the globalization space. In the article, the author uses the methods of analytical, historical and comparative analysis, which shows the dynamics of the issue with past events and to the present, the method of synthesis studies military-political conflicts. Based on the statistics of sociological research on this issue, we can conclude that world conflicts, which escalate into wars, are quickly implemented by non-standard conditions for counteracting conflicts. This could pose a potential threat to the peaceful coexistence of other countries, which are making every effort to help regulate the world's conflicts and global security.

The article is dedicated to an essential scientific problem of international system organization, hierar-chy specifics of its elements and correlation between them in the new world order forming. The peculiarities ofnew order composition and its global and regional trends are accentuated. A special attention has been paid to the theoretical basis of the world order studies. Assuming that the concept of international system is the key to the whole subject of international relations, the main attention is focused on alternative models of the new world order within the system evolution of international relations. Characteristics of new world order formation, its global trends and regional tendencies and their direct influence on Ukraine are being defined as well.In building a world order, a key question inevitable concerns the substance of its unifying principles. The Westphalian model relied on a system of independent states refraining from interference in each oth- er`s domestic affairs through a general equilibrium of power. But now the Westphalian principles are being challenged on all sides. It means the necessity of modernization of the Westphalian system informed by contemporary realities.Comparative analyses of the alternative models of world order was performed. Special attention is being paid to Chinese and Indian development paradigms in conditions of new world order composition. China was the center of its own hierarchical and theoretically universal concept of order. The process of Chi- na's perception of its status as a global power was long and difficult. China has agreed with its self-identifica- tion as a responsible global power. The emergence of China to the position of responsible global power has become as a result of a country's development. Chinese political analysts have devoted more attention since the late 1990s to the elaboration of the concept of the responsibility of China as a global power. The concept of "peaceful rise" of China and the formula of "peaceful development" have evoked broad response.The foreign policy activity of India is accompanied by putting forward a number of concepts, which are aimed at showing the world community the main targets, forms and methods of the country's activity in the international arena.Authors investigated the nature of Islamic model, the main provisions of its ideology, relating to inter- national relations and the new world order forming. Islamic fundamentalism dismantles states in quest of vision revolution based on the fundamentalist version of their religion.It was outlined that the new world order cannot be achieved by any one country ore civilization acting alone. ; Стаття присвячена важливій науковій проблемі формування нового міжнародного порядку. Визначаються особливості формування нового міжнародного порядку, його глобальні тенденції та регіональні особливості. Особлива увага приділяється альтернативним моделям нового міжнародного порядку, які сформувались у процесі системної еволюції міжнародних відносин, місцю України в сучасному міжнародному порядку.