Suchergebnisse

Abstract
This paper explores the relationship between the spread of bank offices, banking sector concentration, and economic growth in English and Welsh counties in the four decades before WW1. During this period, banks rapidly expanded their branch networks, while banking sector concentration increased. Findings from both panel fixed effects and instrumental variable regressions suggest that an increase in the number of bank offices in English and Welsh counties had a positive impact on local economic growth. There is no evidence of banking sector concentration being negatively associated with local economic performance prior to WW1.

Can wars breed nationalism? We argue that civilians' indirect exposure to war fatalities can trigger psychological processes that increase identification with their nation and ultimately strengthen support for nationalist parties. We test this argument in the context of the rise of the Nazi Party after World War 1 (WW1). To measure localized war exposure, we machine-coded information on 7.5 million German soldiers who were wounded or died in WW1. Our empirical strategy leverages battlefield dynamics that cause plausibly exogenous variation in the county-level casualty fatality rate—the share of dead soldiers among all casualties. We find that throughout the interwar period, electoral support for right-wing nationalist parties, including the Nazi Party, was 2.6 percentage points higher in counties with above-median casualty fatality rates. Consistent with our proposed mechanism, we find that this effect was driven by civilians rather than veterans and areas with a preexisting tradition of collective war commemoration.

AbstractUsing the US Commissioner of Labor household survey, we estimate calories available to workers' households in USA, Belgium, Britain, France and Germany in 1888/90. We make raw comparisons of the data and utilise propensity score matching techniques to attempt to overcome differences between the nature of the country samples included in the original survey. We find that US households had on average 500 daily calories per capita more than French and Germans households, with the Belgians and British households closer to the USA. We ask if US workers had more energy for work, once likely differences in stature between national sub-samples are taken into account, and conclude it was a minor advantage. Finally, we ask if economic migration leads to taller children. We find that US-based British households were able to provide more calories than those in Britain in response to an additional child, so that, other things being equal, their children would grow taller.

Abstract
International Relations (IR) scholarship on ontological (in)security has explored how political agents seek to shape collective identity through the contestation and securitisation of memory narratives around controversial historical events. This article contributes a novel approach for understanding how actors promote emotional engagement with such narratives, synthesising nascent scholarship on vicarious identity and military subjectivity to develop the concept of 'militarised vicarious identity promotion'. I use this framework to analyse how national custodian, the Royal British Legion, used the British 2014–18 First World War (WW1) centenary to promote affectively resonant revisionism around a war with difficult resonances in Britain by encouraging subjects to 'live through' others. Its 'LIVE ON' and 'Every One Remembered' initiatives first countered the centenary's potential to destabilise homogenised militarist narratives underpinning national ontological security by rehabilitating WW1 through vicarious frames blurring different military subjectivities together in ways designed to reincorporate WW1 into homogenised remembrance discourses. Second, Britons were encouraged to integrate the nation's military history into their personal biographies by vicariously identifying with ancestral and adoptive WW1 connections. Through enabling feelings of pride and status assuaging civilian anxiety, 'vicarious military subjectivity' based on family connections provided emotional reinforcement for identification with simplistic WW1 revisionism and homogenised British militarism more broadly.

Aboriginal protest played a key role in undermining the celebratory settler-nationalism of the bicentennial in 1988. In the lead up to another major nationalist mobilisation, the centenary of the Gallipoli invasion on ANZAC Day 2015, extensive official efforts are being made to incorporate Aboriginal experiences into the day, through celebration of the role of Aboriginal people who served in Australia's armed forces. This article provides a critical analysis of the 2014 NAIDOC theme as a way of exploring some of the tensions in this process. The NAIDOC theme, 'Serving Country: Centenary and Beyond', presented a continuity between Aboriginal soldiers in WW1 and Aboriginal warriors who fought in defence of their land during the 19th Century Frontier Wars. In contrast, this article argues that the real historical continuity is between the massacres on the frontier, which often involved Aboriginal troopers fighting for the colonial powers, and the invasions undertaken by Australian soldiers in WW1. New research documenting the horrific scale on which Aboriginal people were killed by Native Police in Queensland in the second half of the 19th Century is integrated with studies of the political economy of Australian settler-capitalism in this period. This analysis is used to demonstrate how capitalist class interests drove both the Frontier Wars and the development of an Australian regional empire, which was consolidated by the mobilisation of Australian troops in WW1.

This article focuses on the little-known Indian Labour Corps (ILC) who hailed from the Northeast frontier of India during the Great War (WW1). It engages with the labour recruitment process, their collective experience during the long march to France, the nature of their work and life at the warzone camps, their heroic homecoming and subsequently, their life back into the heart of the hills. It argues that large numbers of hill people from the region joined the War as coolies with different perceptions, meanings and expectations closely connected to their warrior traditions. They enrolled into the ILC in large numbers for the coveted 'ornaments' of the hill 'warrior', which the War could offer to them upon their return home. Their war experiences engendered new ideas and practices, significantly reconfiguring their worldviews and their 'homes'. Their experiences reflect the frontier dimensions of WW1.

Abstract
Historical developments such as wars significantly impact geographical indications (GIs) and their terroir. Wars can destroy vineyards, dismantle production tools or deprive agriculture of its workforce by mobilising civilians. However, academic literature often approaches the impact of wars on GIs as anecdotal evidence rather than an object of study. This article aims to fill this research gap by examining the impact of World War I (WW1) and World War II (WW2) on French protected designations of origin (PDOs). This is done by applying quantitative and qualitative research methods to the specifications of all French PDOs that were registered in the European Union as of 23 November 2022. A total of 43 PDOs affected either by WW1, by WW2, or by both were identified. While the research understandably identifies mostly negative impacts (e.g., manpower shortage or production decline), one unexpected finding is that wars also had a positive impact on some French PDOs, including an increase in consumption and a growth in reputation beyond the original region of production.

Tull was an officer in the 2Third Battalion of the Middlesex Regiment and the first black man to be commissioned in the British army. He died aged 29 in WW1 near Favreuil, France. He has no known grave, and only an inscription on the memorial wall at the Fauborg-Amiens war cemetery. His achievements were considerable, both in the sporting and military fields. Argues that his colour served as a galvanising force in the subjective pursuit of his goals and as an objective refutation of racist ideology. His achievements thus, were despite and because of his colour.

Describes the Louise W. Holborn archives which contain the papers of an historian of Twentieth century refugee problems. Louise W. Holborn (1898-1975) is best known for 2 extensive histories on important refugee organizations: the International Refugee Organization and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. After fleeing Nazi Germany in1933, she received her MA (1936) and PhD (1938) from Radcliffe College. Traces her career. The archives present a wealth of 'grey material' on refugee issues and organizations dating back to WW1 although most of the material is from postWW2. Describes the organization of the collection.

Abstract
This essay is a comparison of Egypt's three 19th century statistical regimes, with particular emphasis on the third established by the British before WW1, and culminating in the holding of the 1917 census. It is argued that the organizer of this census used it self‐consciously to encourage the production of statistical data as an essential tool of modern government. He also provided officials with a method of integrating their findings through the use of a national model based on the balance between population and resources. Foucault's notion of governmentality is deployed to provide a framework within which to understand the central processes at work.