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We allow the preference of a political majority to determine boththe corporate governance structure and the division of profits betweenhuman and financial capital. In a democratic society where financialwealth is concentrated, a political majority may prefer to restraingovernance by dispersed equity investors even if this reduces profits.The reason is that labor claims are exposed to undiversifiable risk, sovoters with small financial stakes may prefer lender (or large share-holder) dominance, as they choose lower risk strategies. The modelmay explain the great reversal phenomenon in the first half of the20th century (Rajan and Zingales, 2003), when some financially verydeveloped countries moved towards bank or state control as a finan-cially weakened middle class became concerned about income risk.We offer evidence using post WW1 inflationary shocks as the sourceof identifying exogenous variation.

Drawing on historical data largely relating to Price Waterhouse Coopers (PwC), this article examines the early professionalisation of accountancy as a gendered process. Mobilising Acker's (1990) theory of the ideal worker, this article highlights articulations of an ideal professional accountant, coded as male and masculine in the gendering of professional skills and knowledge, image management, networking and social class. Additionally, social changes such as WW1 reshaped the masculine nature of the ideal professional accountant in PwC, emphasising a militaristic masculinity, to support the war effort. While women were temporarily employed in accountancy clerical jobs in wartime, this does not appear to have re-gendered PwC as an organisation inclusive of femininity and women. However, it is noted that some middle-class women challenged exclusionary professional practices within accountancy. The implications of the gendered aspects of the professionalisation of accountancy are discussed throughout the article.

This Archival Research Guide is dedicated to different forms of women's participation in the war effort and associationism during the First World War: these two strands include active participation of women in battles; war relief associations, peace movements and women's employment in the war industry. Contemporary historiography has recognized the crucial role that women played in sustaining the war effort by replacing the labour of men who were engaged on the front. On the other hand, the role of women was crucial in those years for a variety of reasons and occupations: in fact, their commitment to organize in soldier's relief and peace associations represents an important part of the historiography of the WW1. Moreover, the First World War was the first major belligerent event in which women could wear a military uniform: while this didn't happen in every country, it was probably a first step toward the inclusion of women in sectors which once were exclusively occupied by men.

This dissertation argues that the origins of civil defense are to be found in pre-World War II Britain and that a driving force of this early civil defense scheme was fear of poison gas. Later iterations of civil defense, such as the Cold War system in America, built on already existing regimes that had proven their worth during WWII. This dissertation demonstrates not only that WWII civil defense served as a blueprint for later civil defense schemes, but also that poison gas anxiety served as a particular tool for the implementation and success of civil defense. The dissertation is organized thematically, exploring the role of civilians and volunteers in the civil defense scheme, as well as demonstrating the vital importance of physical manifestations of civil defense, such as gas masks and air raid shelters, in ensuring the success of the scheme. By the start of World War II, many civilians had already been training in civil defense procedures for several years, learning how to put out fires, recognize bombs, warn against gas, decontaminate buildings, rescue survivors, and perform first aid. The British government had come to the conclusion, long before the threat became realized, that the civilian population was a likely target for air attacks and that measures were required to protect them. World War I (WWI) saw the first aerial attacks targeted specifically at civilians, suggesting a future where such attacks would occur more frequently and deliberately. Poison gas, used in WWI, seemed a particularly horrifying threat that presented significant problems. Civil defense was born out of this need to protect the civil population from attack by bombs or poison gas. For the next five years of war civil defense worked to maintain British morale and to protect civilian lives. This was the first real scheme of civil defense, instituted by the British government specifically for the protection of its civilian population.

In a democracy, a political majority can influence both the corporategovernance structure and the return to human and financial capital.We argue that when financial wealth is sufficiently diffused, thereis political support for a strong governance role for dispersed equitymarket investors, and low labor rents. When financial wealth is concentrated,a political majority prefers high labor rents and a strongergovernance role for banks or large investors, even at the cost of profits.The intuition is that labor claims are exposed to undiversifiable risk,so voters with low financial stakes prefer investors who choose lowerrisk strategies. The model may explain the "great reversal" phenomenonin the first half of the 20th century (Rajan and Zingales, 2003).We argue that in several financially developed countries a financiallyweakened middle class became concerned about labor income risk associatedwith free markets and supported a more corporatist financialsystem. We offer suggestive evidence using post WW1 inflationaryshocks as the source of identifying exogenous variation.

To bale out of a stricken airplane is a pilot's or aircrew's final chance to escape death. It is a traumatic and hazardous exercise that is only practiced in extremis and is in itself full of danger with no guarantee of survival. Many struggled free of a flaming and spinning aircraft only to see their parachute alight above them, some were machine gunned to death by their opponents as they drifted to earth, some landed in mine-fields and were blown apart and many landed in forests and died suspended from the treetops. And yet many survived, some to fight again and some to become prisoners of war. This book relates the experiences of many airmen who survived to tell the tale, some quite remarkable because of pure good luck, some because of ingenuity and some through pure determination to survive at all costs.This book includes escapes from crippled German, British and US aircraft; stories of the first pilots to use parachutes in WW1; amazing escapes from aircraft in the inter-war years

The current international debate relating to press freedom, while seemingly a surprise to the mainstream media, is no surprise to those of us who have been watching the slow erosion of liberties over the last couple of decades, as our governments move us down the path to the totalitarian Right, déjà vu the 1930s. With a new mega department taking over the duties of security agencies, as well as immigration and border security, the Australian government has created a large bureaucracy with competing aims and objectives and a Minister in Peter Dutton who seems impervious to the concerns for empathy and compassion, and has no understanding of the separation of powers or our obligations as signatories to dozens of UN conventions. But it has always been so. Few will remember the censorship during WW1 and the news blackout of the bombing of Darwin in WW2, not to mention the outrageous lies from Vietnam and our following endeavours in places such as Iraq and Afghanistan.

Drawing upon a vast array of primary sources, this article focuses on a key period of modern Spanish history: November 1918-April 1919. In the aftermath of WW1 and spurred on by the Allied victory, demands by Catalonia's political elites for greater autonomy seized the country's agenda. However, the political tussle between the centre and the Catalan elites ended a few months later with their mutual defeat. The upsurge of labour agitation and the hopes of the proletariat generated by the Bolshevik Revolution combined with bourgeois fear resulted in the question of national identity being superseded by bitter class conflict. This article conveys the thesis that these crucial months crystalized the organic crisis of the ruling liberal regime. Indeed, the outcome of these events proved its fragile foundations, dashed hopes for a reformist and negotiated solution and constituted a dress rehearsal for the military coup of 1923, a clear example of the reactionary backlash which swept across Europe in the interwar years.

This paper looks at some similarities and differences between propaganda art used by Germany and the United States during World War I. The first section briefly looks at aesthetic theory and addresses the philosophical question of whether war propaganda posters are, in fact, 'art' at all. Then images of various posters that were popular and widely published by both nations are shown and discussed. This paper concludes that while there are many thematic similarities between the posters used by both sides, there are also some important differences. The most obvious difference between the German and American propaganda art was in regard to the overall tone of the posters and the colors used in the presentation. The images used have been downloaded from a reputable website that depicts reproductions of the posters that were used during WW1. Understanding the nature of the propaganda used by each side can help shed light on the attitudes and sentiments towards the war held by political elites and citizens alike.

Discourses of war are disseminated and legitimised not only through speeches and written texts, but through visual semiotic resources. One important vehicle for this has been the war monument. Evidence shows that from WW1 in Europe and the US monuments have been used systematically by authorities to recontextualise the realities of war and soldiery, suppressing much of what comprises war, avoiding any critical stance, while fostering celebratory discourses of nation, protection and noble sacrifice. The representation of women on the war monument has been particularly important in this recontexualisation. Using Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis to examine the discourses realised by British war monuments, this paper shows that while much of the way women participate in and experience war has been suppressed on war monuments. Their representation has been a key part of the legitimation of one particular discourse of war, a representation that has helped to sideline other possible discourse in British society and which is still used in the commemoration of the death of 'our boys' — such as the young men killed in Afghanistan.

Dieser Beitrag kann als Erläuterung des cliometrischen Ansatzes und seinem Beitrag zu Kenntnissen über den französischen internationalen Zahlungsverkehr vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg betrachtet werden. Die Nutzung eines formalen theoretischen Bezugssystems und fortgeschrittener ökonometrischer Techniken verbessert unser Verständnis der Einflüsse französischer Kapitalexporte vom Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Abend/ Vorabend des Weltkriegs. Die Verfasser erinnern sich an die Hauptergebnisse ihrer im 'The Journal of Economic History' (Juni 2004) veröffentlichten Untersuchung, die die entscheidende Inzidenz von ökonomischen und finanziellen Faktoren aufzeigt, während herkömmliches Wissen die Erklärung von französischen Kapitalexporten auf politische und diplomatische Ursachen begrenzt. ; This paper can be seen as an illustration of the cliometric approach and its contribution to the knowledge of French international capital movements before WW1. Using a formal theoretical framework and advanced econometric technics improves our understanding of the influences of French capital exports from the end of the 19th century until the eve of World War. The author's recall here the main findings of their research published in The Journal of Economic History (June 2004) which highlights the crucial incidence of economic and financial factors, whereas conventional wisdom limited the explanation of French capital exports to political and diplomatic causes.

Beyond its political & legislative dimensions, the problem of re-election of representatives in the French Third Republic was influenced by administrative manipulation of electoral rules -- in particular the introduction of proportional & list voting. Initial proposals claimed to address both electoral rules & the frequency of elections. Increasingly, however, ministerial letters of instruction to Prefects tended to conflate these two elements into a single effort to codify the pre-selection of candidates who could form the base of the desired political renewal. In this way, the monopoly of expertise relating to anticipating & predicting electoral outcomes once held political entrepreneurs was replaced by co-management of elections by them & the Prefects. This situation, in which Prefects were expected to move from predicting to managing electoral outcomes, was one for which they were singularly ill prepared. The effective control of re-election made possible by the new electoral rules bore its fruit only under the specific conditions that obtained after WW1, when Prefects & political parties were forced to collaborate closely. Adapted from the source document.

The First World War unsettled not just the geopolitical arrangement of a large part of Europe, but also previously held gender roles and family relations. With the conflict's end, the bordering cities of Fiume and Sušak went through a long transition characterised by administrative instability and economic uncertainty, as well as by political and national tensions, before being integrated into the Kingdom of Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, respectively. Drawing on available sources in both Italian and Croatian, this article analyses the case study of a border area in order to investigate women's presence in the public sphere, considering both their political participation — to the extent this was allowed by the different forms of suffrage — and their associationism within political and philanthropic organisations. Moreover, in order to trace the reactions triggered by women's activism, the article examines gender representations in the local press, which was mostly linked to the main conflicting political factions and dominated by male journalists.

In 2018, after a century of bilateral relations, Poland and Denmark finally delineated their borders in the middle of the Baltic Sea. After the reestablishment of the Polish state in 1918, its ties to Denmark had been quite turbulent. The great powers established the conditions of the playing field. As small and intermediate European states, the two partners tried to keep their relationship as amicable as possible. Danish investors were active early in the establishment of the Port of Gdynia as well as road infrastructure during the interwar years. Though WW2 dramatically reduced the number of relations, Polish Intelligence was still active in Danish anti-Nazi resistance. During the Cold War, the so-called Polish People's Republic and the Kingdom of Denmark found themselves in opposing camps. The Polish armed forces played a decisive role in planning wartime operations against Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein. After the Cold War, the former opponents became close allies and partners in the European integration process. This book brings together prominent scholars from Denmark, Poland, and Germany to analyze diplomatic, military, intelligence, and cultural relations across the Baltic Sea from the end of WW1 to the days of NATO cooperation