Suchergebnisse

Neposredno nakon Drugoga svjetskoga rata tiskani su priručnici za škole koji se od prijašnjih razlikuju implementacijom političkih ideologema kojima je cilj kroz nastavni proces ideološki indoktrinirati učenike. Usporedba prvoga poslijeratnoga izdanja Boranićeva pravopisa iz FNRJ (1947.) s izdanjem iz 1940. i analiza novonapisanih gramatičkih priručnika iz 1947. i 1948. (Brabec–Hraste–Živkovićeva Gramatika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika za III. razred gimnazije. Tvorba riječi, sintaksa i narječja iz 1947. i Frol–Brabecov Naš jezik. Gramatika i pravopis za V. razred sedmogodišnje škole i I. razred gimnazije iz 1948.) pokazuje da to vrijedi i za pravopise i gramatičke priručnike napisane za škole. ; Teacher's handbooks printed immediately after World War II, differed from the previous ones by introducing political ideologemes aimed at political in- doctrination of the students. The first post-war issue of Boranić's Gramatika (Grammar), published in Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia in 1947, is compared to the 1940 issue and newly written 1947 and 1948 grammar handbooks are analyzed Croatian or Serbian Language Grammar Textbo- ok for Grammar School, Grades III (Gramatika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika za III. razred gimnazije, Brabec, Hraste & Živković; Word forming, Syntax and Dialects Tvorba riječi, sintaksa i narječja, 1947; Our Langu- age: Grammar and Ortography Textbook for Elementary School, Grades VII and Grammar School, Grades I Naš jezik. Gramatika i pravopis za V. razred sedmogodišnje škole i I. razred gimnazije, Frol & Brabec, 1948) and it is evident that the statement is also valid for grammar and orthography textbooks written for schools.

The paper analyzes the influence of familial "political biographies" during WWII on party preferences. The survey has shown that about 50% of its subjects have a single-track political biography (they belonged to either the partisan movement (NOB) or the army of the Independent Croatian State (NDH). The individuals whose political biography is NOB-inclined have a markedly more negative attitude towards the Croatian state of WWII & Ante Pavelie, positively assess Josip Broz Tito, are less religious & prefer leftist parties. The individuals who have the NDH biography have a positive opinion of the Croatian state during WWII & Ante Pavelie, negatively assess Josip Broz, are much more religious, & vote for the parties of the Right. The individuals whose families did not get involved in the conflict, or whose families have a "mixed" political biography, are moderately religious & largely vote for centrist parties. Besides the political biography factor, the degree of religiosity has proved an extremely important factor in the choice of political parties. 15 Tables, 6 Figures, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes the political situation & the relations among the victorious powers following WWII as well as their intention to create such an international organization for protecting peace & security, which would avoid the shortcomings of its predecessor, the League of Nations. Though this goal has been only partly achieved, the Organization of the United Nations has significantly contributed in preventing many political crises to escalate into wider conflicts. Adapted from the source document.

The authors discuss the issue of the common European security & defense policy, particularly regarding the future of US presence in Europe. Their assumption is that the fate of Europe after WWII was almost entirely (both security- & defense-wise) in the hands of US. They think that in the last few years the conditions for designing & launching an independent European security & defense policy have been created, the policy that would not depend to such an extent on the foreign policy goals of American administrations. However, there are major setbacks & obstacles in this effort that all European states must be aware of. Adapted from the source document.

The history of nuclear energy, as one of the possible ways out of energy crisis, & the transition into the post-oil period is analyzed. Since its discovery, nuclear energy has been used for military purposes & consequently shrouded in mystery & volatility. The coalition formed during WWII found the new legitimacy for the continuation of nuclear power use via its program "Atoms for Peace." The atomic bomb has evolved into atoms for peace, a complementary means by which the US has been trying to secure global domination through nuclear technology. The program has not achieved its objectives, although external conditions should have warranted that. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the history of the Croatian Left in the last 70 years with special emphasis on its role during WWII. The author analyzes the national policy of the Croatian Left toward Croats & Croatia in the second Yugoslav state & highlights numerous positive attempts at solving the Croatian national question. He goes on to point out the difficulties that the Croatian Left had to face in achieving the desired aims. The unsatisfactory solution for the Croatian question in the second Yugoslavia was the cause of constant friction & of the disintegration of the Yugoslav federation. The author is of the opinion that the Croatian leftist parties should not repeat the same mistakes & harbor illusions of a Yugoslav community, which has always been extremely detrimental to Croatian nationalist interests. Adapted from the source document.

After WWII, new countries emerged in three waves: the first immediately after the war was a result of the activities of the allied coalition; the second wave was the result of decolonization; & the third, newest wave was the result of the fall of communist federations. The author analyzes the consequences of greater numbers of countries for diplomacy. Bilateral diplomacy & organization of diplomatic services in individual countries have been faced with a series of problems: an increase in employees in ministries of foreign affairs; the need to expand the network of diplomatic missions & selection of countries in which missions are to be set up; & the difficulties of financing diplomacy services & the need for greater specialization & employment of regional experts. In international diplomacy, the work of the UN, its membership, & its security council are all hampered. For this reason, regional associations & ad hoc groups formed by countries concerned with specific problems are gaining importance. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the evolution of the Catholic social & political movement & Christian democratic parties since the end of the 19th century. The origins of Catholic political involvement lie in the need to counter the challenges of capitalism, socialism, & liberal democracy. Its original platform was Pope Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum novarum. Christian democracy as a party option dates back to the emergence of the Popular Party (Partito popolare), first under the leadership of Romulo Murri, & after WWI by Luigi Sturzo, followed by the Christian democracy (Democrazia christiana) of Alcide de Gasperi & his successors. The political party that brings together Italian Catholics was at first totally independent of the Vatican. During Pius XII's papacy after WWII, it came under the Vatican's thumb. After John XXIII (1959-1963), the principle of the separation of the Church & politics, which was adhered to by all later popes, was stressed. The present-day crisis of Christian democracy is the outcome of the falling away from Christian social principles in the conduct of politics. Adapted from the source document.

The paper deals with the evolution of the Catholic social & political movement & Christian democratic parties since the end of the 19th century. The origins of Catholic political involvement lie in the need to counter the challenges of capitalism, socialism, & liberal democracy. Its original platform was Pope Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum novarum. Christian democracy as a party option dates back to the emergence of the Popular Party (Partito popolare), first under the leadership of Romulo Murri, & after WWI by Luigi Sturzo, followed by the Christian democracy (Democrazia christiana) of Alcide de Gasperi & his successors. The political party that brings together Italian Catholics was at first totally independent of the Vatican. During Pius XII's papacy after WWII, it came under the Vatican's thumb. After John XXIII (1959-1963), the principle of the separation of the Church & politics, which was adhered to by all later popes, was stressed. The present-day crisis of Christian democracy is the outcome of the falling away from Christian social principles in the conduct of politics. Adapted from the source document.

Since WWII, there have been opposing views of the role & the importance of the state in international affairs. Some think that the importance of the state is slowly decreasing, since the increasing interdependence of the world has an enormous influence on both the internal & foreign policies of a state. On the other hand, some point out that the state has not lost any of its importance; on the contrary, this importance will only be enhanced since the world community has not yet come up with a model to replace sovereign state entities. States generate the structure that has a significant influence on individual & group security. This particularly applies to the post-Cold-War period, since the problems & threats of the present-day world -- economic collapse, political oppression, poverty, ethnic conflicts, uncontrolled population boom, nature degradation, terrorism, crime, & disease -- directly affect many other elements of security. It is these problems that turn our attention to the state as the most important institution of the contemporary world, since it still has at its disposal the resources for reducing or eliminating these threats. Adapted from the source document.

In the course of its history, Europe has structured itself by means of two models. The first was based on the territorial expansion of regional forces that used violence to break down the resistance of their weaker neighbors & establish the balance of power. In this way, at least temporarily, the way was paved for more radical changes in their polities. This model was in use until the end of WWII. The second model has been built around European integration. The aim of this process has not been the expansion of regional powers & the territorial conquest of their neighbors; it is based on the initiative of the weak to join the organizations that can satisfy their interests & goals. The process of integration excludes coercive methods. However, there is certain asymmetry in the relationship between the center & the periphery (the strong & the weak). The countries that belong to the center define the membership standards for the 'periphery' & evaluate their implementation. The 'central' countries are in a better position than the peripheral ones since the process of integration bolsters their collective identity, while the weaker states -- by accepting the standards of stronger countries -- have to alter their original identity. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.

An analysis of US foreign policy strategy shows that a more intensive advocacy of human rights & democracy is usually characteristic of Democratic Party presidents & their administrations. The numerous challenges of the new world order that Bill Clinton, the first Democratic president born after WWII, was faced with required the redefinition of the role, goals, & interests of the sole remaining superpower in the new international community. The promotion of democracy & liberal market values & the protection of universal human rights were the guidelines for Clinton administration's foreign policy during both of his mandates. Due to the specific features & intensity of geopolitical changes, which resulted in armed conflicts in Southeastern Europe, the consequence of the American policy toward the newly created countries (the so-called young democracies on the Old Continent, including the new Russia) was that the first NATO military "out of area" campaign on Kosovo was justified as an attempt to stem the flood of refugees & to put an end to the violation of ethnic & other human rights. Since the US has announced its intention to intervene when & if (& based on their interests) they deem that basic human rights & democratic values are violated, it can be said that a new pattern of behavior has emerged that would have to be adopted by the other members of the new world order as well. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

The topic under discussion is the correlations between respect of the sovereign equality of all states, the balance of power in the World Community, & the capability of that Community for certain joint enforcement actions when necessary. All attempts throughout the history of radical elimination of the principle of sovereign equality of states by imposing hegemony by one power, or by several powers, finally failed. That happened with the rule of Napoleon I over continental Europe prior to 1815, or with attempts to impose a "New Order" by the Axis powers during WWII. At the same time, efforts to replace the balance of power by some integrated collective security systems failed. Within the League of Nations & the UN, that balance of power continued to operate among the leading member states. There is, however, a paradox in the fact that respect of the principle of sovereign equality of all states in the presence of a balance of power considerably diminish the probability of joint enforcement actions when they prove necessary. Today, only the US has the military potential & political will to face large-scale commissions of international crimes, as well as acts of international terrorism. At the same time, the lack of the balance of powers in the present World Community results in some distorted attitudes & practices by this unique superpower that are not always in perfect harmony with basic values of our civilization. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se uspoređuju politike povijesti Drugoga svjetskog rata u Estoniji i Hrvatskoj poslije državnog osamostaljenja. Pokazujući kako su estonski i hrvatski nacionalno-integracijski procesi dominantno bili obilježeni "potragom" za samostalnom državom, temeljna je teza članka da revizionističko sjećanje na estonske i hrvatske osovinske borce kao na "borce za naciju i državu" opstaje zbog isključivog shvaćanja Sovjetskog Saveza i Jugoslavije kao velikoruske odnosno velikosrpske "tamnice" estonskoga i hrvatskog naroda. Iako službeno sjećanje u objema zemljama ističe europsko antifašističko nasljeđe, oklijevanje vlasti u odmicanju od ekskluzivističkih državotvornih politika povijesti potiče pozitivnu interpretaciju estonskoga i hrvatskog fašizma. Autori zaključno prikazuju razlike među dvjema zemljama te upućuju na pogubnost aktualnih europskih politika spram totalitarizma kao obrasca suočavanja s Drugim svjetskim ratom, a koje Estoniju i Hrvatsku još više udaljuju od suočavanja s prošlošću. ; This article offers a comparison of the politics of history of WWII in Estonia and in Croatia after their independence. Following an introduction demonstrating how Estonian and Croatian national integrative processes were predominantly marked by their "pursuit" of independency, the main thesis is exposed – that the revisionist memory of Estonian and Croatian Axis fighters as "fighters for the nation and the state" has survived primarily due to the exclusivist understanding of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia as the Greater-Russian or Greater-Serbian "dungeons" of Estonian and Croatian people, respectively. Although the official historical memory in both countries highlights the European anti-fascist heritage, the authorities' reluctance to move away from the exclusive statehood politics of history serves to promote a positive interpretation of Estonian and Croatian fascism. The authors in conclusion depict the differences between the two countries and warn of the fatal consequences of the current European policies towards totalitarianism as a pattern for dealing with World War II, which are pushing Estonia and Croatia further away from facing the past.

The author analyzes the process of democratization of international relations & the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation & the establishment of cooperation in a world that has witnessed changes in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-Cold-War crises that jeopardize the world's peace & stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of US foreign policy, from the end of WWII to the beginning of the Cold War & the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, & use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework & foundation for world politics until the late 1980s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post-Cold-War crises enables us to evaluate the roles & behavior of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis. The maintenance of peace & stability in the post-Cold-War world in the circumstances of cooperation & partnership requires an appropriate approach & manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies & regimes must be eliminated, while the processes of geopolitical consolidation & the creation of independent & sovereign states in Central & Eastern Europe (& in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around democratic & market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for 50+ years (& now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the transatlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, & goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-Cold-War hotspots (based on cumulative experience). 25 References. Adapted from the source document.