Suchergebnisse

The article presents an analysis of development of the party system in Latvia from 1918 and shows how continuity and discontinuity is reflected: elements taken over from previous establishments, personal continuity of contemporary political heads with the preceeding ones and continuity and discontinuity in the development from restoration of democrarcy. Latvia took over a lot of elements from the inter-war period (e.g. the 1922 Constitution as a core of the present one), from the characteristcic features of the inter-war Latvia a unstability of goverments was preserved together with small alternation of governing parties, attempts on parties' renewal failed (only LSDSP remained in the parliament), the number of parliamentary parties decreased and independent representation of minorities as well as Latgale vanished. The autoritative establishment of 1934 – 1940 does not have any influence on the contemporary situation except for some references to the president of that period Karlis Ulmanis. German occupation and behaviour of Latvians during those years still contribute to the tension between Russia and Latvia. Many personages from the communist period managed to assept themselves on the political scene. The development from the democracy restoration is marked by high volatility and discontinuity, firts of all it is possible to follow the origin of parties and their representatives in the basic division of the political scene from the end of eighties on to national, pro-reform and anti-reform trends. ; The article presents an analysis of development of the party system in Latvia from 1918 and shows how continuity and discontinuity is reflected: elements taken over from previous establishments, personal continuity of contemporary political heads with the preceeding ones and continuity and discontinuity in the development from restoration of democrarcy. Latvia took over a lot of elements from the inter-war period (e.g. the 1922 Constitution as a core of the present one), from the characteristcic features of the ...

The Moravist parties are an interesting subject of study for two principal aspects: that of an experiment involving different party and political identities and forms of organisation in the period of transition to pluralist democracy in a post-communist environment, and that of a link between ethno-regional political actors and identitary mobilisation, or a stimulator of a potential nation-building process. Unfortunately, this topic has not yet been given much attention (cf. Musil, Rabušic, Mareš 1991; Daněk 1993; Pernes 1996; Dallago 1999). The purpose of this article is to at least partially fill the gap. Brief as it is, the article cannot cover the problem in its complexity, but to give an overview of the evolution of Moravist parties between 1990 and 1999/2000, to elaborate on some hypotheses explaining the reasons of the spectacular electoral success of the Moravist movement at the beginning, and the fall of its electoral and political potential today. I have based my approach to the above phenomena on the following premises: 1. The Moravist movement has been a legitimate actor on the Czechoslovak and, eventually, Czech political scene, drawing upon sources of political legitimacy which were not better or worse than the sources used by other actors. A different issue is, however, the successful effort of other competitors to delegitimatise the movement. 2. The initial success of the Moravist movement was a product of an extraordinary and unrepeatable combination of heterogeneous factors and issues, with a prevailing role of conjunctural factors. That is the reason why the chance for the Moravist movement to remain a genuine major political actor in the medium and long term was quite minimal, irrespective of the strategy invented and pursued by its leaders. 3. The chance of the Moravist movement to remain a minor, but relevant regional actor in Czech party politics was quite bigger, though. In this respect, the fall of Moravist parties should be explained as a result – even though not exclusively – of ...

The relation between the working of democratic systems today and the exploitation of "modern" forms of politically motivated extreme violence, especially the different types of subversive terrorism, has been an object of thorough study and discussion at most varied levels in the course of recent decades, often with contradictory results. This is not a surprise bearing in mind the diversity of bases for such study and discussion, as well as the complexity and changing nature of the subject matter itself, and last but not least, also the deforming impact of different political factors which in many a case predetermined both the horizon of discussions and the character of "politically correct" or at least acceptable conclusions. This does not apply just to decayed political and propagandist writings displaying a remarkable dose of cynicism and lack of shame in serving the interests of power which decided who would be labelled "terrorist" or "freedom fighter", or else. There is a number of scientific works defending the principles and values of democracy which also display apparent effort to a priori exclude raising a particular problem in full in order to prevent any doubt being cast on the purposefulness and justifiability of traditional approaches to and standpoints regarding the assessment of political violence and extremism. At the same time, polemics regarding terrorism had a large impact. Discussions about terrorism changed the way the public felt about both terrorism as a particular category of extremist violence, and politically motivated violence and extremism as such, propagating and reinforcing the view of political violence (acceptance of violent methods of political fight including terrorism) as an utterly undemocratic and anti-democratic behaviour and as a key characteristic of extremism. There is a growing tendency in substantial part of the public in democratic countries today to a priori associate manifestations of extremist orientation with acts of politically motivated violence, and to identify ...

One of few can enjoy the pleasures of living in a time of transition to democracy and have the opportunity to comment on the development and raise critical questions about the future of the Central and Eastern Europe. Editors Kaldor and Vejvoda pose several such questions right at the beginning of their book: Do political systems within CEEC represent a particular variant of democracy that is specific to this part of the world? Is it possible to talk about a post-communist model sui generis that is influenced by the legacy of communism and at the same time by both the weaknesses and strengths of western democracy? Can we talk about an emergent concept of European Democratic Space [term introduced by editors] as a way of consolidating democracy in Central and Eastern European Countries and of reinvigorating democracy in Western Europe? ; One of few can enjoy the pleasures of living in a time of transition to democracy and have the opportunity to comment on the development and raise critical questions about the future of the Central and Eastern Europe. Editors Kaldor and Vejvoda pose several such questions right at the beginning of their book: Do political systems within CEEC represent a particular variant of democracy that is specific to this part of the world? Is it possible to talk about a post-communist model sui generis that is influenced by the legacy of communism and at the same time by both the weaknesses and strengths of western democracy? Can we talk about an emergent concept of European Democratic Space [term introduced by editors] as a way of consolidating democracy in Central and Eastern European Countries and of reinvigorating democracy in Western Europe?

Socialism was born out of the belief in the bright future of mankind. Thus, the utopian vision of classless society occupied the minds of the early communist avant-garde. Yet, such hopes did not survive the initial revolutionary enthusiasm. As the social organization of the 'real socialism' turned out to be a rigid bureaucratic system, the visions of the 'bright future' were replaced by the 'picture of the golden age', namely the image of the revolution itself. Accordingly, rituals commemorating the 'founding fathers of socialism' substituted the ritualized commitments to building the 'ideal society of equals'. The ideological content of socialism vanished. Past memories occupied the present. With the breakdown of communism the present could for a moment release itself from the iron grip of the past. The "envelope of the unhistorical" seemed to be open for the deeds of new reformers. Yet, the present could not escape too far. It was almost immediately caught again either by the past or by the future. In the first case, post-communist nationalisms (Brubaker 1996) monopolized the political field; in the second case, the "scientists of the not yet" (Stark and Bruszt 1998: 1-11) disseminated their neoliberal visions of free-market economy. As a result, the present was defined either in terms of national myths going far back to history or by visions to be realized by imitation of the Western model of capitalism. The focus of this paper is the different paths taken by different countries in the region after the collapse of socialism. The paper distinguishes between the 'nationalizing alternative' as one basic direction, and the 'catching up option' as another one. The paper further argues that this dichotomy itself forms around two clusters of several potential stances which could have been taken in the process of transformations. The goal of the paper is to propose a general framework, with the help of which the interactions 'behind' the political decisions taken by political elites in the post-socialist countries ...

von Josef Pokstefl ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Hbost/Gf 5-42

Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Austr. 210 i-3

Ausstellungsdatum: Prag, 1741, 10. Dezember ; Ausst.: Karl ; Praidlohn, Franz Andreas ˜vonœ ; Heckenstaller, Urban Erscheinungsjahr ermittelt aus Ausstellungsdatum ; Ausfuehrliche Beschreibung ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Kloeckeliana 88,6

Franckfurt am Mayn ; [6] k., CCCXCIV [i.e. CCCXCIII], [1] s., [1] k, [4] k., CVII, [1 cz.] s. ; 2° ; S. tyt. czarno-czerwona z datą: M. D C I V. ; Dedykacje: 1. Den Hochgebornen [.] Landherren, auch der Ritterschafft vnd Ständen deß Königreichs zu Beheim [.] den 13. Martij, im Jar 1604. / Johann Spieß [.] Buchtrucker zu Franckfurt; 2. Dem [.] Herrn Maximiliano, Erwehlten Römischen Käyser [.] Sonnabendt nach Mariae Himmelfarht, Anno [.] im vier vnd sechtzigsten / Wolff von Wtzesowitz, Oberster Landtschreiber im Königreich Beheim. ; W nagł. pierwszej dedykacji drzewor. kartusz herbowy z czeskim lwem ; Liczne pomyłki w paginacji, m.in. k. CCCXCIII oznaczona CCCXCIV ; Dzieło współwydane z własną k. tyt. i paginacją: Beheimische Chronica, Das ist: Ordentliche vnd gantz nützliche jedoch kurtze Beschreibung, aller vnd jeder deß weitberühmbten Königreichs Beheimen, Fürsten, Hertzogen vnd Königen, jrer Ankunfft, Geschlecht, Leben vnd Regierung, Schlachten, Siege vnd Victorien [.] Von Hertzog Cechio [.] biß auff [.] Herrn Rudolffen, den Andern, Römischen Keyser [.] vollnführet : Deßgleichen auch eygentliche Verzeichnuß, aller vnd jeder Königlicher, Herren, vnd gemeiner Stätten, Schlösser, Vestungen, Märckte vnd Dörffer: Auch deß Ertzbischoffthumbs, der Bischoffthummen, Klöster, Pfarrkirchen, vnd OrdensStifften, wie auch Bergkwercken, vnnd Wasserflüssen gemeldtes Königreichs / Alles auß bewährten warhafftigen Historien zusammen getragen, vnnd kürtzlich beschrieben: Durch Georgivm Beatvm [.]. ; Fragm. tekstu w jęz. czes. ; Proweniencja: Jerzy Rudolf (książę legnicki ; 1595-1653) ; Proweniencja: Biblioteka księcia Jerzego Rudolfa (Legnica)