When animals are exposed to a novel situation such as transportation, they react by eliciting certain physiological and behavioural functions in order to cope with the situation. These changes can be measured to indicate how much stress the animal is suffering. Physiological stress indicators often measured in animal transport research include changes in heart rate, live-weight, cortisol levels, and blood composition including electrolytes, metabolites and enzymes (Broom and Johnson, 1993). Animal behavioural stress indicators include struggling, vocalisation, kicking or biting, hunching of the back, urination, defecation and recumbence (Broom et al. 1996; Gregory, 1998). Meat quality parameters post mortem can also help to indicate stress levels in animals (Grandin, 1990; Gregory, 1998). These include incidence of bruising and DFD in all farm animal species and PSE in pigs. Mortality is also an obvious indicator of poor welfare. Combined aspects of transport that contribute to causing stress in livestock include loading and unloading procedures, close proximity to stock handlers, water/feed deprivation, noise, riding in a truck, mixing with other animals and being forced into unfamiliar environments. The responses of stock to these conditions will depend on the animal's genetically controlled adaptability, physical condition and its previous handling experiences (Gross and Siegel, 1993). Factors such as the adequate preparation of animals for transport, controlled prior access to feed and water, minimal disruption to social groups, considerate animal handling skills, adequate handling and transport facilities including good ventilation in trucks, and careful driving technique are major areas that dictate the standard of animal transport. For example, considerations for pigs should include a pre-transport fasting period which balances the requirement to avoid hunger, travel sickness and deaths. Breeding and selecting for more stress-resistant genotypes of pigs can improve the welfare by reducing mortality and the metabolic consequences of transport stress. Other factors influencing animal transport include farm size and country size. For example, livestock transport in Scandinavia involves transport vehicles travelling to more than one farm in order to fill a vehicle. In Australia often one farm pick up can fill a truck, and although the distances may be much longer to the abattoir, it will be more direct. The market demand dictates the type of animals transported. For example the veal trade in Europe demands young live calves to be transported over long distances from northern countries which supply it to the southern countries which demand it. This trade exists in live animals rather than meat because the demanding countries further fatten and slaughter these animals specific to their needs. The industry set up influences the standard of animal transport in different countries. For example in countries where industries are vertically integrated consisting of producer-owned slaughter plant co-operatives (Sweden and Denmark), producers are paid according to slaughter weight and lean meat percentage, therefore there is more consistent quality control measures in place. In Australia the marketing system is such that it provides no economic incentive to reduce losses. Greater public awareness of animal welfare seems to be increasing in western countries, and as a result there is more pressure on the livestock industry to adopt better standards for the farming, handling, transport and slaughter of animals. The transport of livestock in Australia continues to be under increased scrutiny from overseas markets and animal welfare groups. In the European Union (EU), public pressure has been a successful instigator to the drafting and continued improvement of comprehensive legislation for animal transport. EU animal transport laws cover aspects such as minimum design standards for livestock vehicles (including ventilation controls), maximum journey lengths before resting intervals, stocking rates, what animals are considered as fit to travel, and general handling and care requirements of animals in transport. These laws are causing debate between northern and southern countries in areas such as maximum journey lengths and vehicle design standards. Some countries such as the UK have also gone to a great effort to adjust national laws in order to incorporate EU transport laws, but countries such as Spain and Italy have not. Typically it is these countries that more often have poor standards of animal welfare, and the welfare of farmed animals has historically been of low priority (Schmidt, 1995). When and how these countries will adopt the comprehensive EU animal transport regulations, continues to be an unanswered and politically sensitive question between EU member states.
Three alternative scenarios to the much debated present organisation of the Lithuanian State forest sector are examined: (i) the integrated, where all functions are delegated to one central administrative authority – the Danish prototype, (ii) the commercialised, where State forests are managed by a commercial State company – the Irish prototype, and (iii) the minimalistic, where only negligible forest areas of special importance remain in State ownership – the Swedish prototype. The scenarios are assessed according to six imperatives: (i) sort out the ambiguity of the present structure, (ii) increase the profitability, (iii) reduce the level of public spending, (iv) accommodate changes in ownership structure, (v) rely on a holistic approach, and (vi) comply with the national forest policy. If adopted, any of the scenarios would most likely improve the various elements of State forestry, although in substantially different ways. Politicians will take the final decision that may be supported by the findings of this study.
This thesis consists of three empirical case studies, originally published as MERGE- papers ('Papers on transcultural studies' published at MERGE, Centre for Studies on Migration, Ethnic Relations and Globalisation at the Department of Sociology, University of Umeå), brought together and framed by a lengthier introduction. The empirical studies examine Swedish refugee reception activities, including the experiences of refugees themselves, with a focus on organisational and inter-organisational matters, and, in this context, the suitability as well as problems, mechanisms and issues, of implementation. According to Swedish policy aims since the mid-70s, immigrants are guaranteed equality, freedom of choice and partnership in relation to social, political and cultural rights. Based upon this background, an ambitious institutionalisation of refugee reception and integration policy was initiated in 1985, implicating the setting up of a new reception system involving almost every Swedish municipality. However, this political reform came to meet with fundamental problems, such as the absence of clear political goals and a remarkably low priority in the work of local political bodies. As a consequence, the ability and the ambitions of civil servants to apply an integrated approach to the reception process, and to foster growing co-operation among relevant local institutions to improve services and opportunities for integration, have not materialised as intended. These deficiencies of local integration policies appear to be connected with implementation problems, issues and obstacles, such as a lack of developed inter-organisational co-ordination mechanisms, lack of a clear division of labour and responsibility among concerned parties, economic obstruction etc. In addition to this, the resources that local refugee receptions have had at their disposal have been a high degree varying and unstable, with the consequence that the reception's organisation, e.g. as immigrant bureaus, has been subjected to constant remoulding. Continuous initiatives for restructuring the reception procedures seem seldom have been well suited, and in addition to this, there has been a lack of opportunities for influence by the refugees themselves concerning conditions of reception and inroads into integration. The conclusion is, somewhat paradoxical, that many of the refugee reception's political-administrative problems are fabricated by and within the refugee reception system and immigrant policy itself. In the thesis, a general background for necessary improvements of the service for refugees is outlined, making possible a lot of reformistic suggestions. While the thesis lays bare the problems with refugee reception, its policy and implementation, it also acknowledges important positive achievements of Swedish refugee reception and its political-administrative ambitions and framework. The reason that the effects of these positive efforts and achievements haven't materialised in successful integration to a higher degree, is also due to 'external' factors, like exclusion from the labour market, social exclusion through segregation, marginalisation and discrimination, processes of racialisation etc. These kinds of ramifying 'external' factors can only to a limited extent be influenced by local actors alone. The conclusion is that a successful integration cannot be achieved solely through measures within the practical institutional setting of the local refugee reception system itself, but must be underpinned and enforced by a more generalised inclusionary or anti-exclusionary politics, a generally more decided political will and over-all more purposeful measures securing a higher degree of suited implementation. ; digitalisering@umu
This study deals with the ethnopolitical mobilization among the Sami in Sweden during the first half of the 20th century. The investigation focus on why this mobilization took place, the demands the Sami made, and the strategies used to achieve these goals. Opposition towards the Swedish Sami policy was the most important reason for the political mobilization among the Sami. Both the formation of the Sami policy at the central administrative level, and the implementation of the policy at the regional and local level by the Lapp administration were criticised. During the first half of the period of investigation the Sami protests focused on policy decisions at central government level. During the later half of the period, it was the actions of the Lapp administration that triggered Sami activity. The central demands brought forward by the Sami movement concerned the position of the Sami in Swedish society. At the beginning of the period the Swedish Sami policy was based on the so called "Lapp shall remain Lapp" ideology. The Sami were looked upon as a reindeer herders by nature, who were weak and could not protect themselves against civilization, which was viewed as a threat to the cultural survival of the Sami. Therefore, they were to be protected by being segregated from the surrounding society. Only the reindeer herding Sami, however, were considered to be Sami which meant that a majority of the Sami population was not included in the Swedish Sami policy. A cultural boundary was drawn, which separated the Sami population into two large segments. Because of this, the main demands of the Sami movement were that the Sami should be granted an equal position in the Swedish society and that the Sami policy should include more aspects than just reindeer herding.Two main strategies were adopted by the Sami leaders to achieve the goals of the Sami movement. The first was to try to create a network of local Sami societies within a national Sami organization. As in Swedish society group interests were represented by a number of different organizations, Sami organizations were a precondition if the Sami were to be able to hold a dialogue with the Swedish authorities. However, during the period of investigation the Sami movement failed in its attempts to form a national Sami organization, which weakened the movement. The second strategy was directed at achieving more limited gains through goal-oriented actions, where the Sami were mobilized for shorter periods behind different demands. This second strategy was more successful during the period of investigation. However, ultimately the creation of a national Sami organization, was found to be a requirement if the Sami movement was to be able to influence the Swedish Sami policy. The formation of Svenska Samernas Riksförbund (National Union of the Swedish Sami) in 1950 was therefore an important step for the Sami movement.
Das politische Wirken Gunnar Myrdals zwischen 1943 und 1947, insbesondere aber seine Zeit als schwedischer Handelsminister ab 1945, die mit seinem Rücktritt im Zuge der Währungskrise 1947 endete, gilt nach allgemeiner Auffassung als gescheitert. Der folgende Artikel analysiert Myrdals politische Leistungen in einem breiteren Gesamtzusammenhang und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, daß Myrdals Schicksal weitgehend umbewertet werden muß. Persönlich scheiterte er zwar an Widerstand und Unverständnis innerhalb der Regierung sowie taktischen Manövern der bürgerlichen Opposition. Seine fachliche und politische Weitsicht jedoch bestätigte sich nicht nur in der Währungskrise 1947, die er zunächst zwar durch von ihm selbst mitgetragene Beschlüsse mitverursachte, vor allem aber dann als erster zu korrigieren versuchte, sondern auch im Erkennen des sich anbahnenden Ost-West-Konflikts und den sich daraus ergebenden außenpolitischen Konsequenzen für Schweden sowie in seiner wegweisenden Unterstützung makroökonomischen Wachstums in der Wirtschaftspolitik.
This document summarises the outcome of a training workshop, "Inter-active and dynamic approaches on forest and land-use planning", that was organised in Vietnam and Lao PDR during April 1999. The workshop was arranged by researchers from SLU, Umea in co operation with Sida and it's CCB Programme, the National Board of Forestry and concerned government institutions in Lao PDR-the National Programme for Shifting Cultivation Stabilisation, Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry and in Vietnam-the Forest Inventory and Planning Institute, Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development. The main purposes of this paper are • To review and conclude the outcome of the workshop to all those who have participated or been concerned with it. • To summarise an evaluation of the somewhat unique arrangement, with participants from different sectors, administrative levels, gender and countries. • To present "the APM approach" on land use planning, which was put forward, tested and discussed during the workshop. The input to the working paper originates from participants, resource persons and instructors who took part in the workshop. The editing has been made by Mats Sandewall.
In this dissertation, the Swedish transport aid constitutes a case study with the aim of empirically testing the presence of institutional path dependency. In New Institutional Economics the concept institutional path dependency is used for analyzing why institutions that do not promote growth are developed even when better solutions are available. In this study, institutional path dependency is defined in the following way: institutional path dependency is when new institutional conditions develop in a way that maintains an economic and social practice within the sector of the economy that the institutional condition regulates. The transport aid was introduced in 1971 and is a part of Swedish regional policy. The transport aid is allocated to certain goods-producing companies in northern Sweden in order to subsidize their cost of transportation. The aim was that these companies would strengthen their ability to compete in markets in southern Sweden and abroad. In order to perform a test of the existence of path dependency, three criteria for path dependence were defined. The first of these criteria is that new institutional conditions arise with a maintained practice within the regulated sector. The second criterion for path dependency is that the institutional condition subsists when there are other alternatives which are better and well-known from the point of view of public economy. A third criterion for path dependency is that an institutional condition is given a new legitimacy when interest groups state new motives for it. The study has shown that a practice from the previous traffic policy has lived on in the institutional condition of the transport aid, through a continued subsidization of the cost of transportation similar to a historical tradition in early railway policy (for example in the Norrland tariff). A relatively large part of the transport aid has in practice been subsidizing transports of relatively unprocessed goods, which was a reason for the criticism that the transport aid received in previous studies. A practice from earlier traffic policy, which entailed leveled costs of transportation, has been difficult to combine in practice with goals from regional policy that have emphasized growth and industrial development. This indicates a path dependent development of the transport aid, since it's practice seems to be related to another "path" than main stream regional policy. Since the transport aid was continuously criticized in parliamentary reports and debates for conserving the economic structure in the support area and for distorting the competition on the transport market, there was probably a certain pressure to change the transport aid or replace it with other measures that were more neutral with regard to competition. This pressure of change was brought to a head in the parliamentary resolution from 1990, when the Government suggested radical changes in the design and organization of the transport aid. The Government bill was however rejected by Parliament, and the transport aid continued in the same form as before. Therefore, the transport aid has not followed changes in regional policy at large, neither with regard to organization nor formal goals, in spite of the fact that both the Government and the officials in the Transport Council (the administrative organization) have urged on an adjustment of the transport aid to fit the general direction of the regional policy at large. If the general direction of the regional policy in the 80s and 90s reflects a more growth oriented economic policy, then the transport aid has resisted institutional change, in spite of the fact that better and more well-known alternatives have existed with regard to promoting growth. The second criterion for institutional path dependency may therefore be considered fulfilled. Interest groups have on several occasions expanded the base for legitimacy of the transport aid by presenting new arguments to support it. One example of expanded legitimacy is that the transport aid was directed towards small and medium-sized companies in the 1980s. Such arguments were not presented when the transport aid was introduced in 1970, but was later emphasized by members of the Center Party and the Social Democratic Party. An interesting aspect of this institutional change is that the new motives also were characterized by ideological preferences for equality, since the transport aid with the help of this change would be able to support small firms in their competition with large firms in the same sector. This supports the assertion that the legitimacy of the transport aid has been derived from informal ideological preferences for equality rather than ideological preferences for growth, though the formal goals for the transport aid have been growth related. The conclusion is consequently that interest groups over time have managed to establish a stronger ideological legitimacy for the transport aid. All three criteria for institutional path dependency can therefore be considered fulfilled in the case of the transport aid. ; digitalisering@umu
The aim of this study is to investigate the 1993 reform and the process where control and management philosophies, systems of rules and regulations are assumed to apply both to the centuries of academic tradition of specific characteristics of organisation and cultural norms. Based on documents, educational political intentions and the plans of action which hereby arise I attempt to analyse the impact of the reform. New planning and control systems and goal and achievement-related allocation of resources are being introduced at the same time as the country's seats of learning are becoming independent authorities with the right to create their own internal organisation. The new government wants to achieve a decentralisation of decisions-making, responsibility and authority, and to follow up and evaluate operations and results. A particular enquiry has been set up, RUT-93, with the aim of studying the position the individual establishments of higher education take in practice towards the aims of the reform, intentions and to the new possibilities for freedom that are provided. From a qualitative point of view I analyse how the country's seats of learning react and act in relation to these new preconditions on the basis of a questionnaire and a referral from the RUT-93 enquiry, as well as my own additional empirical material in the form of personal interviews. I reach the conclusion that the state authorities use the concept of freedom to explain a moving away from a centrally controlled system at the same time that strengthened central control is perceived at the country's seats of learning, as connections are made between allocation of resources and demands for achievement, follow-up and results attained. The strategy behind the RUT-93 enquiry is to ensure that a process of reform survives even if the right-wing government were to lose power after one mandate period. The activities for which initiative is taken, however, acquire the nature of predictability as the aims of the reform and the directives of the report are viewed as being indeterminate and unclear for the country's seats of learning. I feel I have discovered at least four different horizons of interpretation for how the country's seats oflearning view the reform: the discourse of tradition, an organisational perspective, a power perspective and an undergraduate education perspective. It also appears to be the case that the traditional academic exercise of power is expected to be replaced by a model of control and management of a 'top-down' nature which applies to society as a whole and where control of aims, economy and results is the guiding principle. There also seems to be a connection between the concepts of fraternity, management and democracy, where the concept of classic academic is often associated with and even used synonymously with concepts such as fraternal, democratic, nonhierarchical and 'bottom-up' -Ollented, while the concept of management-oriented is often used as an explanation of a hierarchy or a 'top-down' philosophy of some kind. I have tried to describe how the 1993 reform of higher education must be understood on the basis of the existential, societal, historical and gender-dependent fabric so that it does not hang loose and floating. A summarising conclusion contains the plausible fact that both state authorities and tax-payers have an interest in the fact that the operations which are run at higher education establishments is in concord with what is happening in society in general, which, however, does necessarily mean that operations must be run or controlled on the basis of the same principles or rules as other state authorities and even less on the basis of what applies to organisations and companies. ; Licentiatavhandling framlagd vid Lärarhögskolan, Stockholmsuniversitet den 12 mars, 1997. Opponent: Agneta Linné, Lärarhögskolan i Stockholm.
This study starts out with the hypothesis that the integration process in Europe is connected to cross-border régionalisation, a process which supports the institutionalization of subnational cross-border cooperation - region-building. Cross-border régionalisation is characterized by the decentralisation of vertical links and enhanced opportunities for horizontal links across state borders. In addition, political integration is expected to have some impact on the cross-border institutional forms that emerge at the subnational level. Three different approaches are utilized in order to establish the empirical connection between political integration and region-building. These are: an analysis of the factors which determine the general pattern of cross-border cooperation in Europe, an analysis of the policy network related to the regional and structural policies of the European Union (EU), and case studies of cooperation in the heartland of Europe, the Regio Basiliensis along the external border of the EU, and the EUREGIO along one of the internal borders. Two institutional factors are found to have a significant impact on the number of subnational cross-border cooperations, EU-membership and centrality. Federal constitution was shown not to be significant. It is suggested that the interaction between actors at different politico- administrative levels creates network relations, which typically bring both private and public actors together. More precisely, region-building is described as the outcome of the interaction which takes place between actors. A closer examination of the emerging policy network shows that community initiatives, the Interreg-programme in particular, improve the prospects for multilevel interaction. The EU plays a crucial role in providing the incentives for cooperation by increasing resource dependency and by establishing direct ties between the European Commission and a large number of subnational actors through partnerships. It appears as if the Commission wishes to demonstrate its capacity to deal with problems relevant to individual citizens. By, in part, bypassing central governments, it seems to increase its own importance vis- à-vis member states. The modus vivendi of cross-border region-building and régionalisation is the degree to which institutional actors at different levels share the same objectives. As shown by the case studies, there is a common interest in cross-border cooperation up to the point were public statues are introduced. Interests seem to coincide as long as the structures and contents of cross-border cooperation do not ultimately challenge the authority of state institutions. Therefore, it is not surprising that it seems impossible to give cross-border regions any rights under international law. Functional cooperation, rather than regionalist manifestations of cultural or political unity across borders, constitutes the backbone of region-building. Activities transcending borders are less controversial than those that may contribute to the establishment of new borders. It is concluded that region-building is a process which is embedded in the institutionalization of a multi-level interaction pattern. More favourable multilevel relations have been achieved through the transfer of some authority to the supranational level. This is the main reason why traditional integration theory fails to explain why there is a connection between political integration and cross-border cooperation. ; digitalisering@umu
Societal spheres in the light of history A division of society into statecraft, economy, and civil society is found in Plato's Republic. Its theoretical base is the differentiated and sometimes contradictory norms for these spheres. The mainstream of European structuration is traced from the 'two swords' - state and church - that structured western European society in the Middle Ages to the six societal spheres (or cardinal institutions) of society - the economy, government, science, religion, ethics, and art - that are visible today. Each maintain a large measure of independence (Weber's Eigengesetzlichkeit). Each is dependent on a special type of freedom: civic liberties, free trade, academic freedom, religious toleration, the right to follow one's conscience, artistic license. The paper pauses in this differentiation process at special junctures: the English revolution, the emergence of the Latin American and North American societies, the evolution of modem society as an underpinning of democracy, the emergence of the European Union, and the post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe. ; Sociologisk Forsknings digitala arkiv
In the late 19th century it became possible to utilize electricity in lighting, industrial processes and for traction. To Sweden, which at that time was gradually being transformed from an overwhelmingly agrarian country into an industrialized nation, this was of great advantage because Sweden was a country well furnished with hydro-electric power, but almost completely lacking in other sources of energy. Beginning in the 1890's a number of privately-owned powerstations were built almost all over the country. During the early 20th century, the Swedish Government became increasingly involved in hydropower development. In 1906 the Government decided to make its debut as a power producer. A government bill proposing the building of a power station at Trollhättan was submitted to the Swedish Parliament, and Parliament approved this bill the same year. Two years later the State Power Board was formed, and in 19 10 Parliament approved plans to build a great power station at Porjus, on the Lule River in the north of Sweden. This power station is the main object of my study. The questions 1 shall try to give an answer to in my study are the following. Why did the State build a power station at Porjus? What happened to the industrial visions that initiated this project? On a more general level my dissertation intends to contribute to the understanding of the establishment of modem technological systems in Sweden. 1 shall try to achieve this by means of a model elaborated by Thomas P. Hughes, Professor of the History of Technology at the University of Pennsylvania. In Hughes' model technical systems are regarded as a part of a "socio-technical" or "technological" system. The core of the theory can be expressed in these words: "They are both socially constructed and society shaping." In my study, which consists of four parts, Part 1 is a study in which energy conditions in Sweden at the turn of the century are discussed in order to ascertain whether the prevailing sources of energy and power transmission methods are to be regarded as promotors of, or obstacles to a continued industrialisation. In Part 11 the following question is put in focus. Why did the State build one of its first big power stations in an area of wilderness in the north of Sweden? The answer to that question is given through a discussion in three steps. It starts with a discussion about why the Railway Board wanted to electrify the State railway. When the Railway Board made that decision they had intended to carry out the largescale trial electrification of a railway line in the western part of Sweden. In 1908 these plans were changed and the Railway Board decided to choose the Riksgräns Railway in the north of Sweden instead. The reasons for this change are discussed in a second step, and after that a discussion follows in which the choice of the Porjus Falls is explained. In Part 111 the dimensioning of the Porjussystem is discussed - i. e. the preliminary work that were needed to build the station, the power station, the transmission system and the locomotives. In the discussion problems connected with the locality of the Porjus Falls are emphasized. Part IV contains a discussion on the following theme. What happened with the industrial expectations which were once the main reason for the decision to build a power station at Porjus? ; Godkänd; 1994; 20070426 (ysko)
1 Jordbrukskooperationen idag Svensk jordbrukskooperation upplever för närvarande två stora problem. 1 Den producentkooperativa företagsformen utsättes för så stark kritik från så många betydelsefulla maktcentra att det är berättigat att tala om en legitimitetskris. I synnerhet kan den nya konkurrenslagen betraktas såsom ett utslag av misstroende mot jordbrukskooperationen. 2 Till följd av ökande konkurrens och allt öppnare marknader finns behov av effektiviseringar i de jordbrukskooperativa företagen. Det gäller kostnadsnedskärningar såväl som marknadssatsningar, och de är nödvändiga oberoende av om Sverige blir EU-medlem eller ej. De erforderliga effektiviseringarna och den återvunna legitimiteten kan nås på olika sätt; genom interna rationaliseringar inklusive strukturrationalisering, genom förbättrade utbytesrelationer med de olika intressenterna i omvärlden samt genom omprövning av det sätt, varpå medlemsrelationerna är uppbyggda. Här analyseras endast det sistnämnda, alltså relationerna mellan medlemmarna och det kooperativa företaget. Hur dessa relationer är upp¬byggda uttryckes av de kooperativa principer, som företagen följer. Således granskas om dessa kooperativa principer kan omtolkas på ett sådant sätt att effektivitetsgraden höjes, dvs kooperationen och lantbrukarna blir mera konkurrenskraftiga, samtidigt som förtroendet till jordbrukskooperationen återställes. 2 Kooperativa värden Med kooperativa principer förstås en uppsättning regler för hur en organisation ska vara uppbyggd för att kunna fungera såsom kooperativ, dvs för att dess ägare också ska (1) vara dess samhandelspartners, (2) kunna styra organisationen och (3) erhålla överskottet från organisationens verksamhet. De kooperativa principerna specificerar hur medlemmarna ska förhålla sig till varandra samt hur det kooperativa företaget ska agera gentemot medlemmarna. För att medlemmarna ska vilja acceptera dessa principer är det nödvändigt att de åtminstone i någon grad erkänner sig till en bestämd uppsättning av värderingar eller normer, nämligen de s k kooperativa värdena. Med detta är sagt att kooperativa värden och principer kan förstås utifrån en logisk, funktionalistisk tankelinje. Det är inte nödvändigt att inkludera resonemang om kooperativ ideologi i en förklaring av kooperativ verksamhet. Ideologiska förklaringar kan tvärtemot skapa mer förvirring än klarhet. Till skillnad från ideologin kan de kooperativa värdena bidra till förståelsen av kooperationsfenomenet. I litteraturen förekommer åtskilliga redovisningar av kooperativa värden. Ett sätt att strukturera dessa är i två huvudklasser. Den ena är socialitetsvärden, som uttrycker att medlemmarna har tillräckligt förtroende för varandra för att våga engagera sig i ett gemensamägt företag. Det krävs engagemang vad gäller verksamhetens målsättning, resursanskaffning, verksamhetens bedrivande, medlemsbehandlingen samt styrningen av verksamheten. Den andra klassen är suveränitetsvärden, vilka reducerar medlemmarnas risker för att den kooperativa organisationen inte skulle bli framgångsrik – det handlar om kooperationens oberoende och om medlemmarnas frihet och frivillighet. 3 Kooperativa principer Litteraturen om kooperativa principer avslöjar att det finns vitt skilda uppfattningar om vilka de kooperativa principerna är och därmed också i grunden vad begreppet står för. Mycket ofta utgår framställningarna från historiska betraktelser och ideologiska övertygelser. Med det syfte, som den föreliggande studien har, är det emellertid angeläget att de kooperativa principerna förstås i ett vetenskapligt sammanhang och att deras ekonomiska betydelse står i fokus. Det betyder att en annan klassificering av de kooperativa principerna är nödvändig. En huvudindelning göres här i föreningsprinciper, som preciserar hur medlemmarna ska förhålla sig till varandra, samt affärsprinciper, som anger hur det kooperativa företaget ska agera gentemot medlemmarna. Med dessa båda kategorier av regeluppsättningar kan en del av de i den gängse litteraturen nämnda principerna förkastas och andra kan omprövas. Sålunda blir resultatet att fyra principer urskiljes. För att ett företag ska kunna fungera som kooperativt ska medlemmarna … 1) utforma medlemskårens sammansättning (principen om medlemskap), 2) äga företaget (principen om medlemsfinansiering), 3) styra företaget (principen om medlemsstyrning) och 4) driva samhandel med företaget (principen om medlemshandel). 4 Kooperativa principer i principiell belysning Inom ramen för de fyra kooperativa principerna finns stora variationsmöjligheter. Principen om medlemskap innebär sålunda att en kooperativ förening kan vara mer eller mindre sluten. Det kan införas strikta krav på vem som ska tas in som ny medlem, eftersom nya medlemmar inte får skada de befintliga medlemmarna. Likaså är det ibland lämpligt att ställa hårda krav på utträde ur föreningen, dvs kräva att en medlem måste ta ansvar för sina handlingar inför de kvarvarande medlemmarna. Av stor betydelse är vilken grad av integration som finns mellan medlemmar och kooperativt företag – för att uppnå en effektiv verksamhet i en hård konkurrens måste integrationsgraden vara tämligen hög, dvs medlemmarna bör vara fast knutna till det kooperativa företaget. Principen om medlemsfinansiering innebär att ingen annan än medlemmarna ska stå för egenkapitalet, men vissa undantag kan tänkas för perifera verksamhetsgrenar. Det individuella egenkapitalet kan och i regel bör tillskjutas med hjälp av ett flertal olika finansieringsinstrument, och överlag bör det individuella egenkapitalet svara för en hög andel av det samlade egenkapitalet, åtminstone klart högre än i svensk jordbrukskooperation. Kollektivt egenkapital är lämpligt för investeringar i anläggningar, som ger en fast kostnad oavsett medlemsantal. En mycket hög andel kollektivt kapital är problematisk såtillvida att ägandet är svårt att identifiera. Oavsett om kapitalet är individuellt eller kollektivt är det självklart att det utsättes för avkastningskrav, som motsvarar marknadsränta. Den gängse kooperativa principen och lagparagrafen om begränsad insatsränta förkastas således, då den medför inoptimal allokering av resurser. Vanligtvis är medlemsstyrningen av företagen demokratisk, dvs man följer en regel om en medlem, en röst. I tillfällen med starkt heterogen medlemskår och svag sammanhållning mellan medlemmarna kan differentierad röststyrka tänkas. I situationer med hård ekonomisk press är differentiering av priser och service nödvändig vid medlemshandel. En differentiering efter de kostnader, som medlemmen åsamkar föreningen, leder till att det samlade resursutnyttjandet inom kooperativet förbättras. Differentiering efter medlemmarnas priskänslighet är däremot ofta problematisk, i det att den kan medföra slitningar inom medlemskåren. I övrigt innebär principen om medlemmarnas samhandel att det kooperativa företaget förvisso kan sälja till och köpa från också ickemedlemmar, förutsatt att detta ligger i medlemmarnas intresse. Däremot är det diskutabelt om det kooperativa företaget ägnar sig åt verksamheter helt utan medlemsanknytning, eftersom de vinster som göres där ger förvrängda marknadssignaler, om de utbetalas till medlemmarna i form av högre avräkningspriser eller lägre produktionsmedelspriser. Ett liknande resonemang kan föras för verksamheter långt fram i förädlingskedjan – de vinster, som det kooperativa företaget gör i dessa, bör utbetalas i form av kapitalavkastning till medlemmarna för att inte förorsaka alltför stor överproduktion, som pressar prisnivån. 5 Jordbrukskooperationens kooperativa principer Den svenska jordbrukskooperationens regelverk består av (1) lagregler, fr a lagen om ekonomiska föreningar, (2) LRF:s uppsättning av kooperativa principer, som man dock inte är tvungen att följa, (3) föreningarnas egna stadgar samt (4) regler, normer och principer, som man följer utan att de finns nedtecknade och tvingande. De kooperativa principerna för de fem föreningar, som redovisas i praktikfallsform, visar betydande skillnader. Alla tre mejerierna lider av överskottsproduktion, men de har valt delvis olika vägar för att lösa problemet. Arla har omfattande export till förlustbringande världsmarknadspriser; Skånemejerier har satsat mera på ostproduktion för den svenska marknaden; Milko har slutit föreningen i hopp om att reducera överskottet. Även i övrigt finns skillnader, bl a såtillvida att Milko bekänner sig till ett kooperationsbegrepp av traditionellt svenskt snitt, medan Skånemejerier är mera nytänkande. Skillnaderna visar sig exempelvis i intresset för prisdifferentieringar. Intressant är Arlas proportionella insatssystem, som emellertid leder till att det individuella kapitalet reduceras kraftigt. Föreningarna är eniga om att rösträttsfördelningen en medlem, en röst ligger fast. En annan likhet består i att man inte betalar ränta på medlemsinsatserna. Då det gäller medlemskap avviker Scan Väst såtillvida att pensionerade medlemmar mister sin rösträtt. På flera håll, bl a i Väst-svenska Lantmän, finns ett strävan att öka det individuella egenkapitalets andel på bekostnad av det kollektiva kapitalet. Sammantaget måste erkännas att de fem föreningarna under senare år har börjat tänka på de kooperativa principerna på ett mera otraditionellt sätt, och i viss mån har man också genomfört konkreta förändringar. Icke desto mindre är de i huvudsak uppbyggda enligt den kooperationsuppfattning, som har sin rot i den strikta jordbrukspolitik, som tidigare rådde i Sverige. Det finns med andra ord utrymme för åtskilligt nytänkande. 6 Jordbrukskooperationen inför framtiden För att de svenska jordbrukskooperativa företagen ska kunna bedriva en maximalt effektiv verksamhet krävs lagändringar, framför allt vad gäller föreningslag, skattelag och konkurrenslag. Det övergripande är att den kooperativa verksamhetsformen ska ges betydligt friare händer så att den får möjlighet att anpassa sig till en ständigt föränderlig omvärld. Föreningslagen bör rensas från de ideologiska element, som begränsar möjligheterna till effektivitet, bl a kravet på likabehandling, taket för insatsräntan och kravet på öppna föreningar. Det bör ges möjligheter till nya finansieringsinstrument. I anslutning härtill bör skattelagstiftningen inte som nu främja föreningar, som är uppbyggda på ideologiska grundvalar (exempelvis lika rösträtt), och förfördela föreningar, som är organiserade på basis av ekonomiska hänsyn. Konkurrenslagen måste erkänna att det finns och bör finnas producentkooperation, och att denna måste tillåtas att vara uppbyggd på ett effektivitetsbefrämjande sätt. Förbudet mot förhandlingskooperation bör tas bort och federativ verksamhet måste tillåtas. Särskilt angeläget är att kraven på fri medlemsrörlighet måste försvinna, eftersom det betyder att samtliga lantbrukskooperativa systematiskt blir försvagade beträffande medlemsstyrning, finansiering och produktion. Viktigt är att man inom de lantbrukskooperativa företagen snarast vidtar åtgärder. Dels finns det åtskilliga förändringar i kooperativa principer, som företagen kan göra inom den nuvarande lagstiftningens ramar. Eftersom det i de flesta fallen tar några år från det att olika kooperativa principer har omprövats till dess att man kan skörda frukterna av denna modernisering, är det angeläget att dessa åtgärder kommer till stånd snarast. Dels krävs en medlemsdebatt och ett medlemsengagemang, eftersom frågor om vilka kooperativa principer företagen ska bygga på är helt grundläggande. Det vore dock önskvärt med engagemang också från annat håll. Här tänkes på massmedia, näringslivet i övrigt och regeringskansliet, eftersom dessa kretsar dels har stort inflytande över hur regelverket kan bli för den svenska livsmedelssektorn, och dels har tidigare uttryckt visst intresse för hithörande frågor. Till denna lista ska också nämnas andra forskare, som förhoppningsvis genom denna bok kan få ett intresse väckt för det i Sverige så viktiga producentkooperativa företagandet. Genom att dessa skilda grupper deltar i diskussioner och undersökningar kan de bidra till att kooperationens regelverk blir i bättre överensstämmelse med framtidens ekonomiska krav och därmed att kooperationens legitimitet stärkes.
The organization of civil society The three societal spheres state, market and civil society are compared from an organizational perspective. A state is a certain kind of organization with compulsory affiliation. The state is an empirical category that is fairly easy to describe. A market is made up of the interaction of several organizations in exchange. Most actors on a market are people acting on behalf of organizations. Also states are present in markets buying arms for example, or as employers on the labour market. There are several kinds of organization mentioned in connection with civil society such as voluntary associations, social movements and networks. It is concluded that the organizations of civil society are not very persistent. Moreover the notion of civil society is not more incompatible with the state than with other organizational arrangements. As a conclusion it is argued that it is more relevant to understand social processes in terms of types of organization that in terms of states, markets and civil society. ; Sociologisk Forsknings digitala arkiv
The ways of organizing political problem solving in society are not static. A pluralistic dynamic society requires a continious reconsideration and adaption of its political institutions, i.e. political institutionalization. Institutionalization demands prior organizing activities among actors for political aims. Organizing activities can be seen both internally, externally or between existing organisations and institutions . The degree of institutionalization reflects the organizing activities' survival capacity. The higher the degree of institutionalization the more likely it is that the organizing activity will become a formally based organisation or institution, or will change the dominating values of organisations or institutions. The degree of institutionalization is discussed using the concepts of adaptability, complexity, autonomy and flexibility. The thesis represents a problem-oriented implementation approach where individuals' joint ways of organizing problem- solving are the basis for analysis of both policy-realization and political institutionalization. Policy is defined as ideas and the ways of creating institutional arrangements in order to realize them. A "policy-problem", defined as the empirical question answered by examining the process of institutionalization, is used to study the policy-processes in the field of occupational safety and health. The ways in which individuals collectively organize in order to create a good working environment are studied using the concept of implementation structures. These are defined as phenomenological administrative units of analysis, i.e. groups of individuals empirically judged to take part in solving the policy problem. ; digitalisering@umu
Swedish political parties are characterized by their markedly different support across geographical space. In most cases, the sources of these regional variations date back to the time of the founding of the parties. Moreover, the regional strongholds and the areas of weak support for the parties have survived major societal changes such as the transition from the agrarian to the industrial society, emigration, and urbanization. Why is it that a certain area evolves a political tradition that sets it apart from neighboring areas? This study addresses itself to this and similar topics with empirical emphasis on the Swedish Social Democratic Party (the SAP).The study is based on the conviction that the regional imbalance in the SAP vote originates in the interaction/competition between various social and political movements in the local environment. The initial model used to explain these imbalances comprises three different factors that influence the party's vote: the socio-economic structure, the local organizational environment and the effect of local party organizational efforts.In order to test the importance of these factors three different areas were selected; one strong, one weak, and one unstable in terms of the Social Democratic vote.The findings show that no single factor alone accounts for the variance in the regional support of the SAP. Rather, what is decisive are the interactions within the structural and social properties of a context.By way of conclusion, this study lends support to the following conclusions of the prospects for the SAP to mobilize the electorate: to establish itself in the local setting the party needs an organizational culture, a local party organization and the absence of strong local opinion against the party's activities and organizational efforts. The party also seems to be favored by a high level of political mobilization (participation), whereas there is nothing to suggest that the SAP's prospects of becoming successful are hampered by competition from the left-wing parties. ; digitalisering@umu
