In comparative studies of transitional justice in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, Lithuania is ranked among the countries which have taken the strictest lustration measures. In contrast, a very negative perception of the issue dominates the Lithuanian public discourse. Lustration is often described as impotent or failed in the media. Despite its high political importance, there has been no systemic analysis evaluating the results of Lithuania's lustration policy (LLP). This article aims at analyzing the effectiveness of LLP. The main object of this article is the LLP which consists of three sets of laws: 1998 laws aimed at restricting the former KGB employees, 1999 law aimed at KGB's secret collaborators, and 2010 law allowing publishing remaining KGB documents. This article corresponds with the last wave of transitional justice studies, in which the results and/or impact of transitional justice measures is evaluated. The findings of this article suggest a rather positive evaluation of LLP, further contradicting the opinion dominant in the local media. This could encourage future studies to explore the reasons of this inconsistency. Adapted from the source document.
The fiscal federalism theory was developed to explain budget formation in independent states. At present, this theory is often applied to supranational institutions like the European Union (hereinafter EU), without paying enough attention to the unique characteristics of this level of analysis. This article identifies which assumptions of the classical fiscal federalism theory cannot be applied to the supranational level. This paper answers the question of whether changes in the EU budget of 2014 were in line with the normative principles of the fiscal federalism. Recommendations to the policy makers how the EU budget could be improved are presented in the conclusions. Meanwhile, funding for the remaining three areas consists of ~40.6% of the EU budget. On this basis, we cannot say that the first of the EU budgets in the new multiannual financial framework is more in line with the principles of the fiscal federalism than the previous financial framework's first budget. Adapted from the source document.
The article deals with contemporary executive's rewards system in the Lithuanian public sector and its changes over time. This analysis includes high officials in civil service as well as heads of public service's providers and managers of state-owned enterprises. The analysis bases on the reward dimension of the Public Service Bargains (PSBs) model which reflects different approaches to tangible and intangible reward elements. This theoretical approach is used to test the hypotheses that there is a clear public sector bargain on the executive's rewards system, and this bargain was shaped by pre-planned reforms in the public sector. This article concludes that the Lithuanian public sector executive reward system can be regarded as egalitarian and was largely shaped by incremental policy decisions, changes in economic conditions, and court decisions but not by pre-planned reforms. Adapted from the source document.
Implementation of government commitments is one of the most relevant issues of public policy studies. A gap between electoral pledges, government priorities and their practical execution brought disappointment in many democratic countries and attracted significant attention from public policy researchers. This article elaborates a theoretical framework and sets several hypotheses for analysing the process of implementing performance priorities of the Lithuanian government and achieving their results. It argues that public policy decisions can be best explained by the interaction of advocacy coalitions in different policy subsystems. A public policy research agenda focused on the analysis of government commitments can be also applied to assessing how specific political priorities or other policy decisions are carried out in Lithuania and other democratic states, as well as to explaining successes and failures of their implementation process. Causal process tracing can be employed for the within-case and between-case analysis of policy studies. Theoretically developed and empirically rich policy studies following this research agenda would provide interesting insights on policy implementation to researchers, politicians, civil servants, various policy stakeholders, and even citizens. Adapted from the source document.
A considerable empirical literature has arisen to explain what determines people's decision to participate in such a pro-environmental behavior as recycling. Examining the studies carried out in the context of Lithuania, it could be seen that the first two factors are given much attention, while the deep and extensive research of the third one is missing, regardless of how problematic the recycling issue in the country is. For this reason, the aim of the article is to identify the valuable and motivational drivers that influence the Lithuanian population sorting behavior and could help in formulating recommendations for effective interventions to promote or change it. The qualitative methodological approach and a semi-structured interview as a method are used. The survey was conducted in March and April 2014, using a convenience sampling of 32 people. Content analysis using the Nvivo.10 QSR software package was applied for the data research. Adapted from the source document.
Siame straipsnyje nagrinejama Lietuvos Vyriausybes istaigu ir istaigu prie ministeriju vadovu kaita ir politizacija 1990-2012 m. Nors de jure ir de facto vadovu politizacija sioje istaigu grupeje nera didele, ji skiriasi - priklauso nuo atitinkamu laikotarpiu ir istaigu tipu. Mazejant strukturinei agenturu vadovu pareigybiu politizacijai, Lietuvoje didejo faktine vadovu politizacija ir atvirksciai. Del ju pareigybiu specifikos Vyriausybes istaigu, kurios institucineje sandaroje veikia arciau Vyriausybes centro, vadovai labiau politizuoti nei istaigu prie ministeriju vadovai. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad siu agenturu vadovu kaita geriausiai paaiskina esminiai valdanciosios daugumos ir Lietuvos Vyriausybiu pokyciai, o politizacija - politiniu partiju valdymo trukme ir ju tinklai, taip pat politinis valdymo sriciu jautrumas This article analyses the change and politicisation of the senior levels of management in the Lithuanian government agencies and agencies under the ministries in the period 1990-2012. This research indicated that de facto politicisation of the Lithuanian agencies is relatively small with only 19.1% of all agency heads engaged in party networks. The turnover of agency managers is best explained by alterations of ruling majorities and governments, taking into account more the intensive turnover of agency managers during the Lithuanian governments controlled by the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party. Politicisation of the agency managers could be explained in terms of 'push' factors (politicisation is associated with party entrenchment in power and density of the party networks) and 'pull' factors (party patronage is exercised more frequently over more politically salient areas of public services). Changes in de jure politicisation of the higher civil service depended on structural and civil service reforms. Our analysis also revealed some differences in the pattern of politicisation according to the Lithuanian political parties: if the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party de facto appoints politically affiliated managers to career positions in the Lithuanian higher civil service, the Homeland Union (Lithuanian Christian Democrats) frequently adopts the structural form of politicisation through government-wide organisational or civil service reforms. Adapted from the source document.
Siame straipsnyje analizuojama Lietuvos valstybes valdomu imoniu vadovu kaita ir politizacija 1990-2012 m. Ziniasklaidoje daznai aptariami konkreciu imoniu vadovu politizacijos atvejai, taciau sistemines analizes sioje srityje stoka neleidzia daryti pagristu apibendrinimu. Del to pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas - remiantis statistine mineto laikotarpio duomenu analize ne tik identifikuoti politizacijos masta bei pasikeitimus VVI vadovu postuose, bet ir nustatyti, kaip juos veikia siu imoniu teisinis statusas, valdymo sritis, vyriausybiu tipai, partiju isitvirtinimas valdzioje ir ju nariu skaicius. Tyrimo rezultatai atskleide, kad vadovu kaita suprasti padeda valdanciosios daugumos pasikeitimai ir vyriausybiu tipai, taciau sie veiksniai savaime nepaaiskina politizacijos. Norint suprasti ta reiskini, yra butina analizuoti valdymo sriti. Analize parode, kad labiausiai politizuoti sektoriai yra miskininkyste ir energetika This article analyses the turnover and politicisation of CEO positions in the Lithuanian state-owned enterprises between 1990 and 2012. Although some individual cases of politicisation of CEO positions get detailed media coverage, there is an obvious lack of systematic large-N analysis in this field. Therefore, the main aim of the article is to identify the scope of politicisation and changes in CEO positions, as well as to account for variation in the extent of politicisation in terms of different legal statuses of these enterprises, policy fields, types of government, party entrenchment and membership. The results of this article revealed that CEO turnover is best explained by the factors of changing ruling majorities and governments. However, neither of these two factors explains CEO positions' politicisation. In order to understand this phenomenon, it is essential to distinguish among policy fields, which showed that forestry and energy are the most politicised sectors. This conclusion points to different patterns of politicisation in different sectors of the economy. Adapted from the source document.
Straipsnyje nagrinejama Lietuvos geroves valstybes raida saliai istojus i Europos Sajunga (ES). Teksta sudaro trys dalys. Teorineje dalyje ivertinamas dvieju ilgalaikiu valstybe strukturuojanciu procesu - pokomunistines transformacijos ir europeizacijos - santykis. Antrojoje dalyje analizuojami viesojo diskurso pokyciai siekiant issiaiskinti, ar ir kiek skirta demesio geroves valstybes pertvarkai Lietuvoje pasiekus pagrindinius euroatlantines integracijos tikslus. Galiausiai, remiantis 'socialiniu investiciju' koncepcija, bus siekiama parodyti, kiek Lietuvos geroves valstybes raida atliepia europines tendencijas. Pagrindine tyrimo isvada yra ta, kad geroves valstybes raida islieka inertiska, nors finansavimo salygos istojus i ES is tiesu gerejo. Be to, palyginti su gretimomis ES salimis naremis, skiriama maziau demesio toms geroves politikoms, kurios galetu duoti didziausia 'investicine graza'. Taip pat labiau orientuojamasi i tretini paslaugu lygmeni. Tokia situacija pirmiausia aiskintina trimis veiksniais: ekonominio saugumo prioriteto islaikymu, partine poliarizacija ir istorine logika, kuria diktuoja jau susikloste galios santykiai The article analyses the development of the Lithuanian welfare state after the country joined the EU. The text consists of three parts. In a theoretical part one evaluates interrelation of two long-term state-structuring processes, i.e. post-communist transformation and Europeanisation. In the second part, the changes of the public discourse are analysed in order to evaluate, if and how much attention is paid for the reforms of the welfare state in Lithuania after the main goals of Euro-Atlantic integration have been reached. Finally, under the concept of 'social investment state', one seeks to evaluate, how much the evolution of Lithuanian welfare state reflects the European trends. The main conclusion of analysis is that the development of welfare state remains inert despite the fact that financial conditions after the access to the EU have indeed improved. Besides, in comparison with the neighbouring EU member states, Lithuania pays less attention to those welfare policies that may bring the biggest 'return on investment'. The system is also more oriented towards the tertiary level. Such situation is firstly to be explained by three factors - the overall strength of economic security as the main political priority, party polarisation and historical logic dictated by the established power relations. Adapted from the source document.
Lietuvos viesojoje erdveje gajus isitikinimas, kad Lietuvos rinkejo santykis su politiniais atstovais yra suasmenintas, neretai besiremiantis subjektyviomis ir iracionaliomis simpatijomis ar antipatijomis konkretiems politiniams lyderiams. Kiek pagristas toks pesimizmas? Straipsnio tikslas - issiaiskinti, kokio rysio esama tarp politiniu lyderiu asmenybes portretu suvokimo salies visuomeneje ir rinkeju vertybiniu orientaciju, kurios traktuojamos kaip vienas personalizacijos sklaida Lietuvos politikoje ribojanciu veiksniu. Pasitelkus 2012 m. rudens Lietuvos gyventoju viesosios nuomones apklausu duomenis, nagrinejama, kaip politiniu lyderiu paveikslai varijuoja priklausomai nuo rinkejo ideologinio identifikavimosi, (anti)sovietiskumo, tautinio konservatizmo ir postmaterializmo nuostatu. Nors daugelis asmenybes bruozu yra objektyvus ir ilgalaikiai asmens psichologines sandaros elementai, Lietuvos visuomeneje rimtai nesutariama, koks 'is tiesu' yra gerai zinomas salies politikas, ir nuomoniu issiskyrimui reiksminga itaka daro politiniu paziuru bei vertybiniu nuostatu skirtumai. Rinkejo identifikavimasis kaires-desines skaleje ir (anti)sovietiskumo nuostatos svarbios vertinant tris is penkiu tirtu Lietuvos politiniu lyderiu asmenybes dimensiju - sutaikomuma, samoninguma ir atviruma patirciai. Tautinio konservatizmo nuostatos padeda paaiskinti pirmu dvieju dimensiju suvokima visuomeneje. Gauti rezultatai taip pat skatina tolesniuose tyrimuose aiskintis rinkejo vertybiniu nuostatu poveikio politiniu lyderiu 'moraliniu bruozu' ir temperamento suvokimui skirtumus Lithuanian public debates share a strong conviction that the relationship between a Lithuanian voter and his/her political representatives rests on personalisation, often nurtured by voter's subjective and irrational feelings of love or hate in regard to particular political leaders. Is such kind of pessimism well-grounded? The article aims to explore the relationship between perceptions of well-known political leaders' personality portraits among Lithuanian population and voter's normative orientations on the individual level, holding voter's normative orientations an important factor, limiting the proliferation of personalisation of politics. Based on the empirical data of public surveys, conducted in autumn 2012, the study explores how perceptions of political leaders' personalities vary according to voter's ideological self-identification, the level of adherence to soviet values, national conservatism and post-materialism. Even though personality traits are objective and stable elements of individual's psychological constitution, a serious disagreement regarding the personality portraits of analysed political leaders is revealed in the Lithuanian society, and the perceptions diverge according to individual's political views and normative attitudes. Voter's left-right self-identification and (anti)soviet attitudes predict the perception of three personality dimensions of Big Five - Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to experience - for analysed leaders, and national conservatism - perceptions of the abovementioned first two dimensions. The results of the study ask for further analysis of a different level of impact that voter's normative attitudes may bear on popular perception of political leaders' 'moral traits' and temperamental features. Adapted from the source document.
Straipsnyje is viesosios tarnybos susitarimu modelio perspektyvos aptariamos viesojo sektoriaus politizacijos teorines prielaidos ir nagrinejamas sarysis su viesojo sektoriaus vadovu lojalumu politikams. Remiantis siomis izvalgomis aptariami Lietuvos viesajame valdyme istoriskai susikloste egalitariniai, o kai kuriais atvejais ir individualistiniai lojalumo elementai, kuriuos sustiprino fragmentuota sovietine institucine struktura su lygiagrecia personaliniu lojalumu ir neformaliu rysiu tinklu besiremiancia valdymo struktura. Taip pat apzvelgiama siandieninio Lietuvos viesojo valdymo lojalumo sampratos fragmentacija, parodant, kad politiku ir vadovu santykius apibrezti kaip sutarima galima tik tam tikruose sektoriuose, o daugumoje sriciu lojalumo aspekta politikai ir viesuju organizaciju vadovai interpretuoja skirtingai. Tai vyksta nepaisant bandymu institucionalizuoti su istorine tradicija nesisiejancia hierarchine lojalumo struktura This article deals with politicisation of the public sector in Lithuania in the context of ensuring loyalty of high public officials to the politics of the government of the day. The theoretical framework of Public Service Bargains (PSBs) was used in order to analyse historical changes and the contemporary perception of loyalty among politicians and high public officials. From the PSBs perspective a historically dominant egalitarian type of loyalty bargain with some individualistic elements among the ruling elite is discussed. During the Soviet period this type of loyalty bargain was secured by a personal loyalty network based on formal and informal ties. Integration to the EU was a factor that was used by the administrative elite of Lithuania in order to try eliminating most of the instruments ensuring formal loyalty and securing a hierarchical loyalty bargain in a formal and legalistic way without reaching a common understanding with politicians. Today's politico-administrative interaction provides a mixed picture regarding the praxis of loyalty bargain in the Lithuanian public sector. There is some evidence that politicians prefer an egalitarian loyalty bargain and do not recognise a formal hierarchical loyalty setting. This situation could be regarded as cheating on loyalty bargain from both sides that provoke politicians to search for new ways in achieving the loyalty of high public officials to the politics of the incumbent government and exercise politicisation practices for that purpose. Adapted from the source document.
Straipsnyje apzvelgiami Apsvietos epochos tyrimai Lietuvoje, bandant perteikti pagrindinius Lietuvos tyreju atradimus, keliamus klausimus ir idejas, besisiejaneias su politiniu to laikotarpio mastymu. Pirmiausia, analizuojant XVIII amziaus Lietuva, aptariama bendroji Lietuvos istoriografija ir istoriniu tyrimu issukiai. Antra, pristatomas Vilniaus universiteto, kaip regioninio to meto Apsvietos centro, vaidmuo. Galiausiai pereinama prie konkreeiu istorijos, literaturos istorijos ir filosofines minties tyrimu. Sioje apzvalginio pobudzio analizeje daugiausia demesio skiriama tyreju monografijoms ir paeioms tyrimu kryptims, bandant sutraukti atskiru tyrimu indeli i vientisos lietuviskosios politines minties tradicija, kurioje XVIII amziaus politinis mastymas dar tik iesko savosios vietos ir reiksmes The article presents the research into the historic period of Enlightenment done in Lithuania, describing the main findings, questions and ideas, which have a connection with the political thinking of the period. First, the general Lithuanian historiography as well as main issues and problematics of the research into Lithuania's XVIII century are presented. Second, the role of Vilnius University as the peripheral centre of Enlightenment is discussed. Finally, main studies dealing with the period in the fields of history, history of literature and philosophy are analysed. In this overview article the main attention is devoted to research studies (monographs) and to particular research directions taken by Lithuanian scholars with an attempt to connect different research contributions into singular tradition of Lithuanian political thought, in which political ideas of the XVIII century are still lacking the assessment of their importance. Adapted from the source document.
Straipsnyje nagrinejamas partines tapatybes reiskinys Lietuvoje, remiantis 2012 m. porinkimines gyventoju apklausos duomenimis. Pirmoje straipsnio dalyje aptariamos skirtingos partines tapatybes teorijos ir sufor-muluojamos hipotezes apie partine tapatybe Lietuvoje galincius lemti veiksnius. Antroje dalyje aptariamos metodologines partines tapatybes matavimo problemos ir analizuojamas partines tapatybes Lietuvoje lygis. Trecioji dalis skirta partines tapatybes formavimosi aiskinimui. Tikrinamos trys pagrin-dines hipotezes - 1) partine tapatybe lemia politine socializacija seimoje; 2) partine tapatybe susiformuoja politiniu skirciu pagrindu; 3) politine tapa-tybe priklauso nuo dalyvavimo demokratiniame procese patirties kaupimo laiko. Straipsnyje pristatomi logistines regresijos rezultatai vercia koreguoti partines tapatybes teorija The article analyses the formation of party identification in Lithuania, using the data of post-election survey of 2012. In the first part, the two rival theories of party identification are introduced and hypotheses about the factors of party identification formation are presented. In the second part, the methodological issues of the measurement of party identification are discussed and the level of party identification in Lithuania is examined. The third part of the article focuses on the determinants of party identification. Three main hypotheses are tested: 1) party identification derives from the political socialisation in a family; 2) party identification is formed on the basis of social cleavages; 3) party identification depends on the length of democratic experience of electorate. The results of the logistic regression presented in the article impel to revise the theory of party identification. Adapted from the source document.
Straipsnyje siekiama paaiskinti, kodel Andriaus Kubiliaus vyriausybes partijos (TS-LKD, LRLS ir LiCS), nepaisant nepalankiu aplinkybiu ir prognoziu, sugebejo gerai pasirodyti 2012 m. Seimo rinkimuose ir tapti daugiausia balsu gavusia valdanciaja koalicija nuo Lietuvos Nepriklausomybes atkurimo. Naudojamos dvi pagrindines teorijos: partines tapatybes ir ekonominio balsavimo. Atitinkamai pagal jas straipsnyje iskeliamos ir tikrinamos dvi hipotezes, kuriu pirmoji numato lemiama partines tapatybes vaidmeni, o antroji teigia, kad A. Kubiliaus vyriausybes partijos pritrauke ir nauju, racionalia ekonominio balsavimo logika besiremianciu rinkeju. 2012 m. porinkimines apklausos duomenu individo lygmeniu analize suteikia paramos abiem hipotezems. Straipsnyje daroma isvada, kad partine tapatybe buvo butina, taciau nepakankama gero vyriausybes pasirodymo 2012 m. Seimo rinkimuose salyga: dalis ekonomika vertinusiu kaip blogejancia istikimu rinkeju buvo prarasta, taciau siuos praradimus kompensavo nauju ekonomika retrospektyviai teigiamai vertinusiu rinkeju dalis This article aims to explain why the parties of Andrius Kubilius' government (HU-LCD, LRLM and LCU), notwithstanding the unfavourable circumstances and corresponding forecasts, managed to perform well in 2012 Seimas elections and became the first governing coalition according to the joint received vote share since the restoration of Lithuania's independence. Two main theories are employed: party identification and economic voting. Corresponding to them, two hypotheses are raised and tested in this article: first hypothesis anticipates a decisive role of party identification and the second one asserts that the parties in A. Kubilius' government attracted new voters according to the logic of economic voting. Analysis of individual level data from the 2012 post-electoral survey provides support for both hypotheses. The article concludes that party identification was necessary, though not sufficient condition of good government performance in the 2012 Seimas elections: a part of the faithful voters was lost, but these losses were compensated by new voters that positively (and retrospectively) evaluated the economy of Lithuania. Adapted from the source document.
Socialiniu tinklu itakos rinkiminiam elgesiui analize remiasi prielaida, kad zmoniu sprendimui del balsavimo svarbi politines informacijos komunikacija daznai vyksta nedidelese, stipriais rysiais besiremianciose grupese, kuriu narius sieja pasitikejimas. 2012 metais atliktos porinkimines Lietuvos gyventoju apklausos duomenys leido atlikti rinkeju socialiniu tinklu charakteristiku itakos balsavimui rinkimuose analize. Sios analizes rezultatai atskleidzia, kad socialiai izoliuoti, su artimais zmonemis apie politika nediskutuojantys, apolitiskiems tinklams priklausantys rinkejai reciau balsuoja rinkimuose nei rinkejai, integruoti i tinklus, kuriu nariai turi tam tikras politines preferencijas, kuriuose rinkejai randa zmoniu, kuriu ziniomis apie politini gyvenima gali pasitiketi. Rinkejai, priklausantys politiskai homogeniskiems tinklams, anksciau priima sprendima, uz kuria partija balsuos rinkimuose, taip pat didele tokiu rinkeju dalis yra lojalus tam tikrai partijai rinkimuose This article is aimed at presenting analysis of relation between characteristics of social networks of people and their participation in the election and voting as well as revealing how social network data complements models explaining electoral behaviour of population. Evidence from the 2012 post-election survey of Lithuanian population confirms many insights of social network scientists about influence of social interaction in the networks on electoral behaviour of people. It was found that the likelihood of participating in the elections increase when people belong to politicised social networks and have knowledgeable political discussants. It was also found that political homogeneity of social networks has a positive effect on an early decision about the vote and stability of voting. Adapted from the source document.
Straipsnyje nagrinejama, koki gyvenimo prasmes supratima isskleidzia moderni politikos samprata. Klasikineje graiku ir krikscioniu filosofijoje politine tvarka atspindejo zmoniu gyvenimo tikslus. Ikimoderni Vakaru civilizacija remesi finalistiniu kosmoso modeliu, nurodziusiu kiekvieno daikto bei zmogaus vieta ir paskirti. Todel politiniai sprendimai bent konceptualiai atspindejo zmogisku protu suvokiamus metafizikos ar dieviskojo istatymo postulatus. Nuo Renesanso ir Naujuju amziu finalistine mokslo samprata keicia kauzalistine, o gyvenimo prasmes problema dingsta is politines teorijos nagrinejamu klausimu saraso. Darbe teigiama, kad, nepaisant isorines modernybes sekuliarizacijos, kiekvienos politines teorijos branduoli sudaro teologiniu problemu sprendimas, todel gyvenimo prasmes klausimas niekada negali buti eliminuojamas is politines minties darbotvarkes. Modernybeje ivykusi slinktis nuo finalistinio prie kauzalistinio pasaulio supratimo zmonijai suteike iki tol neturetu priemoniu perdirbti bet kuria gamtine ir socialine tvarka. O Dievo mirtis prasmingo gyvenimo zenklu verte ieskoti siapus. Siu dvieju modernios minties elementu sujungimas igalino gyvenimo prasmes deficita pasalinti igyvendinant eschatono imanentizacija, t. y. perkeliant galutinius zmonijos tikslus i si pasauli. Straipsnyje konstatuojama, kad tokiu tikslu realizacija yra neatsiejama nuo politinio totalitarizmo. Del atviros modernybes laiko sampratos neimanoma nustatyti, kada galutiniu zmonijos tikslu realizavimas bus pasiektas. Sio sprendimo prerogatyva atiteko suverenui The study examines the place of meaning of life in the modern concept of politics. This can be done only by proving that political thought reflects the purpose of human life which actually is meaning of life. If a political body or political philosophy cannot prove this, it will always be possible to reject their arguments by stating that they are meaningless to humans. This created conditions for the idea that society should be permanently improved and the ultimate goal of such improvement is the salvation of every individual in this world. Although supporters of liberalism and socialism have a different understanding of this final stage of human development, both of them aim not at preparing individual for the salvation in another reality but they think that ideas of the heaven should be established in this world. Adapted from the source document.
