Cover -- Titelseiten -- Inhalt -- Angela Richter: Laudatio anlässlich der Verabschiedung von Frau Univ.-Prof. Dr. phil. Renate Hansen-Kokoruš -- Dijana Simić & -- Marizela Reithofer Bektić: Predgovor -- Ingeborg Jandl & -- Goran Lazičić: Transkulturalität und Geschlecht in süd- undostslawistischen Kontexten. Eine Einleitung -- Transkulturalität, Geschlecht und kulturelles Erbe -- Walter Kroll: Die Kiever Emblematik im Kulturtransfer des 18. Jahrhunderts. Am Beispiel des kirchenslavischen Emblembuchs Ifika ieropolitika -- Dagmar Burkhart: Genderspezifische Konstruktionen des Honor-Shame-Codes in literarischen Texten -- Marina Protrka Štimec: Govor i šutnja u Fortisovoj "Asan-aginici" Rod i žanr u transkulturalnoj recepciji balade -- Weiblichkeitsimaginationen in transkulturellen Kontexten -- Валерий А. Доманский: Тургенев - переводчик «немецких» альбомовПолины Виардо -- Ольга Б. Кафанова: «Тургеневская девушка». Движение к феминизму -- Наталья Е. Никонова: Итальянский текст периодики Сибири 1890-1910-х гг. -- Wolfgang Eismann: Feminismus, Sex und Gender bei Viktor Pelevin -- Komik, Geschlecht und Gesellschaftsanalyse -- Nenad Veličković: Socijalno i nacionalno u Jazavcu pred sudom Petra Kočića -- Дмитрий Д. Николаев: Трансформация «комизма нормы» в литературе русской эмиграции. Столкновение культурных идентичностей в произведениях Н.А. Тэффи 1920 г. -- Goran Lazičić: "Čudovišta u suknjama" i nove Antigone. Ženski likovi i rodne uloge kod Ranka Marinkovića -- Künstleridentität, Geschlecht und Gesellschaft -- Angela Richter: Umbruchssituationen aus weiblicher Sicht. Eine Re-Lektüre des Romans Kroz Ničiju Zemlju von Vera Obrenović-Delibašić -- Darko Lukić: Spatial and cultural migration, memory in exile. The example of Oliver Frljić.
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Cilj istraživanja: Cilj ovog istraživanja je napraviti regulatorni pregled izdavanja bezreceptnih lijekova izvan ljekarni u zemljama Europske unije i Ujedinjenoj Kraljevini. Materijal i metode: Sastavljen je pregled regulatornih sustava bezreceptnih lijekova u europskim zemljama, s naglaskom na dostupnost bezreceptnih lijekova izvan ljekarni. Pregledani su regulatorni zahtjevi 24 zemlje EU i Ujedinjene Kraljevine i napravljena je usporedba regulatornih sustava zemalja obuhvaćenih pregledom. Rezultati: Analizirajući 24 zemlje EU i Ujedinjenu Kraljevinu uočavamo tri načina regulacije i organizacije izdavanja bezreceptnih lijekova. U 10 analiziranih zemalja, uključujući Austriju, Francusku i Španjolsku, izdavanje bezreceptnih lijekova dozvoljeno je samo u ljekarnama. U 6 analiziranih zemalja, među kojima su Njemačka i Hrvatska, izdavanje bezreceptnih lijekova izvan ljekarni odvija se uz obavezan nadzor stručne osobe. Ujedinjena Kraljevina i skandinavske zemlje spadaju u posljednju kategoriju koju čini 9 zemalja s razvijenim prometom bezreceptnih lijekova izvan ljekarni. Bezreceptni lijekovi u tim su zemljama dostupni u supermarketima, na kioscima i benzinskim postajama, a postoje "general sales list", tj. popisi gotovih lijekova s uvjetima pod kojima se smiju izdavati izvan ljekarni. Zaključci: Postoje razlike u načinu regulacije distribucije bezreceptnih lijekova među europskim zemljama. Uočava se trend liberalizacije i deregulacije ljekarništva. Iako u dijelu analiziranih zemalja ljekarne još uvijek imaju "monopol" na izdavanje bezreceptnih lijekova, u većini analiziranih zemalja određeni bezreceptni lijekovi dostupni su izvan ljekarni. ; Objectives: The aim of this research was to make a regulatory review of the dispensing of over-the-counter medicines outside pharmacies in the countries of the European Union and the United Kingdom. Material and Methods: An overview of over-the-counter regulatory systems in European countries has been compiled, with an emphasis on the availability of over-the-counter medicines ...
The paper deals with the protection of the private and public spheres in surveillance capitalism. Predictions on consumer behaviour or the so-called behavioural surpluses are extracted from the set of collected (big) data of users/consumers from the so-called digital footprints, which become intelligence data, commodities on the data market. In addition to predicting user behaviour, various behavioural techniques push, or nudge users in a particular desired consumer or political direction or action, or dark nudge techniques when it comes to unauthorized data collection on users in the digital sphere. Surveiling and nudging users is done in the range from caring for their health, well-being and benefits, as well as general and public well-being, to encouraging expenditure, desired behaviour or voting in the desired direction of subjects who create such incentives (corporations, political parties, governments, etc.). The subject of the paper is based on behavioural economics which has introduced behavioural techniques in the field of public policy. The author proposes conceptual model of protective and active approach in the era of surveillance capitalism in the private and public spheres. An overview of the current digital regulation in the EU is given, and the need for further development of the legislative framework that will regulate the issues of supervision and protection of privacy and user data is pointed out. ; Rad se bavi zaštitom privatne i javne sfere u nadzirućem kapitalizmu. Iz skupa prikupljenih (big data) podataka korisnika/potrošača iz tzv. digitalnih otisaka ekstrahiraju se predviđanja o ponašanju korisnika ili tzv. bihevioralni višak koja postaju izvjesnice (intelligence podaci), roba na tržištu podataka. Osim predviđanja ponašanja korisnika, različitim se bihevioralnim tehnikama korisnike "gura" ili "potiče" (nudge) u određenom željenom potrošačkom ili političkom smjeru ili djelovanju, a kada je riječ o neovlaštenom prikupljanju podataka o korisnicima u digitalnoj sferi, radi se o dark nudge ...
Riječ uredništva"Izgradnja zelene, zdrave i otporne budućnosti sa šumama" moto je ovogodišnjeg 15. Svjetskoga šumarskog kongresa održanog od 2. do 6. svibnja u glavnom gradu Južne Koreje, Seulu. Prvi kongres održan je još 1926. godine u Rimu, a od tada se uglavnom održavao svakih šest godina. Uz zemlju domaćina suorganizator je bila i Organizacija Ujedinjenih naroda za hranu i poljoprivredu (FAO). Kongresu je nazočilo više od 15.000 sudionika iz 146 zemalja, što ga čini najmasovnijim globalnim skupom o šumama u povijesti. Sudionici su bili predstavnici vlada, javnih agencija, međunarodnih organizacija, privatnog sektora, akademskih i istraživačkih institucija, nevladinih organizacija te organizacija zajednica i autohtonih naroda. Budući je kongres održan u hibridnom formatu, oko 4.500 sudionika sudjelovalo je online. Održano je 30 tematskih sesija organiziranih u okviru šest tema o najvažnijim aktualnim pitanjima koja se tiču šuma te proizvoda i usluga koje pružaju. Podteme su bile: preokretanje krčenja šuma i propadanje šuma; prirodna rješenja za prilagodbu klimatskim promjenama i očuvanje biološke raznolikosti; zeleni putovi prema rastu i održivosti; šume i ljudsko zdravlje; upravljanje i priopćavanje šumskih informacija, podataka i znanja te jačanje upravljanja i suradnje. Ključni naglasci skupa su kako šume mogu pomoći u borbi protiv višestrukih kriza s kojima se suočava čovječanstvo, uključujući klimatske promjene, gubitak biološke raznolikosti, degradaciju zemljišta, glad i siromaštvo.Ukupno 141 zemlja sudionica kongresa podržala je Deklaraciju o šumama iz Seula sa sljedećim zaključcima:• Šume nadilaze političke, društvene i ekološke granice i vitalne su za biološku raznolikost i cikluse ugljika, vode i energije na planetarnoj razini. Odgovornost nad šumama treba podijeliti i integrirati među institucije, sektore i dionike kako bi se postigla održiva budućnost.• Ogromne površine degradiranog zemljišta zahtijevaju obnovu. Ulaganja u obnovu šuma i krajolika na globalnoj razini moraju se barem utrostručiti do ...
At the beginning of the 16th century, a Croatian noble family of the Frankopans was faced with an incresing Ottoman's threat, as well as a whole Croatian-Hungarian Kingdom. In an attempt to protect their lands, the Frankopans could not get help from the Croatian-Hungarian kings, whose power was weak at that time. Instead of their own kings, the Frankopans were forced to seek help from foreign rulers and fight the Ottomans themselves. Bernardin and Krsto Frankopan made an intensive contacts with the Habsburgs at the beginning of the 16th century because they expect the Habsburgs to help them in fighting the Ottomans. Frankopan's-Habsburgs' connections were of a graet significance in political events in the mid-twenties of the 16th century. ; Hrvatska velikaška obitelj Frankopana našla se početkom 16. stoljeća suočena, kao i cijelo Hrvatsko-Ugarsko Kraljevstvo, sa sve intenzivnijim osmanskim provalama. U nastojanju da zaštite svoje posjede, Frankopani nisu mogli računati na pomoć hrvatsko-ugarskih kraljeva, čija je vlast sve više slabila, već su se morali pouzdati u vlastite snage i pomoć koju mogu pronaći u stranim vladarima. Bernardin i Krsto Frankopan ostvarili su početkom 16. stoljeća intenzivne veze s Habsburgovcima, u kojima su vidjeli pomoć u obrani od Osmanlija. Frankopanski-habsburški odnosi će imati vrlo važnu ulogu u kasnijim političkim prilikama sredinom 20-ih godina 16. stoljeća.
Riječ uredništvaPrije nekoliko godina u jednom dvobroju Šumarskog lista pojasnili smo zadaću ove rubrike. Naglasili smo da ona nije zamišljena da podučava šumarske stručnjake o šumarstvu (struku su učili na Fakultetu), nego da podsjetimo na aktualnosti koje se događaju u šumi i šumarskoj struci. Navodeći činjenice, nastojimo pomoći da šumarska praksa, pa i znanost, lakše zauzme stav o pojedinom aktualnom stručnom problemu ili događanjima kako bi štitila šumu i struku. Stoga, osvrnimo se na prošlogodišnje rubrike koje nam ukazuju na probleme koji nas očekuju.U dvobroju 1-2/2021. najavili smo cjelogodišnje obilježavanje 175-e obljetnice osnivanja Hrvatskoga šumarskog društva (1846. g.) i 145-e obljetnice (1877. g) tiskanja znanstveno-stručnog i staleškog glasila Šumarskog lista. Naveli smo kako je Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo, uz ostalo, ostvarilo svoja dva glavna cilja: uvođenje više šumarske nastave u Hrvatskoj osnivanjem Gospodarsko-šumarskog učilišta u Križevcima 1860. godine, a potom Šumarske akademije (danas Šumarski fakultet) 1898. godine kao četvrte visokoškolske ustanove Zagrebačkog sveučilišta. Tiskanjem prvoga broja svojega glasila, Šumarskog lista 1. siječnja 1877. godine, ostvaren je i drugi cilj. Posebno smo istaknuli kako je već tada usvojeno mišljenje da je za gospodarenje šumskim ekosustavima potrebno visokoškolsko obrazovanje. Upitali smo se kakva je danas situacija sa šumarskom strukom? Zaključili smo: nikakva – svi znaju sve o šumi, a nisu niti "primirisali" šumarsko obrazovanje bilo kojega ranga. Skrenuli smo pozornost na netržišno gospodarenje šumskim resursima, posebice najvrjednijima, kada izvozom drvne sirovine, a ne drvoprerađivačkih proizvoda izvozimo radna mjesta i obezvrjeđujemo dugogodišnji trud šumarskih stručnjaka.U dvobroju 3-4/2021. raspravljali smo na temu teksta Thomasa Waitza, zastupnika Zelenih u EU, objavljenog pod bombastičnim naslovom "Novo izvješće o krčenju šuma u Hrvatskoj", na kojega su se odmah "zalijepili" naši Zeleni. Nakon više od 250 godina gospodarenja našim šumama po načelu potrajnog gospodarenja, ovaj naslov je uvreda hrvatskim stručnjacima. Osim toga, ovo je poistovjećivanje pojmova krčenja i kontrolirane sječe šuma, što je očiti primjer neznanja, bolje rečeno amaterizma koji danas preplavljuje ne samo šumarsku nego i druge struke. Svakako preporučamo opetovano pročitati ovu Riječ Uredništva, kako bi imali jaču podlogu za eventualnu raspravu o odnosnoj temi.U dvobroju 5-6/2021. rubriku smo posvetili "Odlasku čovjeka koji je život posvetio šumi i šumarstvu". Bez obzira na njegov životni put opširno prikazan u rubrici In memoriam, osvrnuli smo se kratko na najvažnije dijelove toga životnog puta, zaključujući: "Odlaskom profesora Matića završilo je jedno razdoblje, koje će nama suvremenicima ostati u sjećanju kao nezaboravno iskustvo, plemenitog, šumarskog načina života i zajedništva, a koje je rezultiralo njegovanim i očuvanim šumama. Hoće li novi trendovi koji su sve izraženiji u današnjem šumarstvu, a prema kojima su šumarski stručnjaci sve manje povezani sa šumom, ali i međusobno, uspjeti odgovoriti na nove izazove, posebice u okolnostima sve izraženijih klimatskih promjena, tek je za vidjeti."U dvobroju 7-8/2021. uz temu: Tko je kriv za loše poslovanje drvoprerađivača? navodimo tekst Europskoga šumarskog instituta i Svjetske banke pod naslovom "Pregled i preporuka za sustav prodaje drvne sirovine Hrvatskih šuma". Čitamo da se kod nas 93 % drvnih proizvoda prodaje administrativno na temelju dugoročnih ugovora, a tržišno samo 5 % (Poljska 89-90 %, Češka 96 %, a Estonija i Francuska približno 100 % tržišno). Hrvatska prodaje drvnu sirovinu po 20-30 % nižoj cijeni u usporedbi s europskim cijenama i cijenama u susjednim zemljama, što čini gubitak od oko 316 milijuna kuna godišnje (hrast 163 milijuna kn, bukva 105 milijuna kn, smreka i jela 48 milijuna kn). S obzirom na gospodarenje po načelu potrajnosti te na kvalitetu i prirodnost naših šuma (čime je osiguran i FSC certifikat – od čega najveći benefit ubiru upravo drvoprerađivači), mišljenja smo da je gubitak i veći.Što donosi nova EU strategija za šume do 2030. tema je dvobroja 9-10/2021. Smatra se ključnim za ostvarivanje ciljeva Europskoga zelenog plana, smanjenje emisija stakleničkih plinova za najmanje 55 % do 2030. i klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. Pomaže i ispunjavanje ciljeva EU-a za povećanje uklanjanja CO2 prirodnim ponorima prema Zakonu o klimi. Strategijom se šumi, šumarima i sektoru koji se temelji na šumi daje središnja uloga u ostvarivanju tih ciljeva. Uz njihovu pomoć očekuje se europski prelazak na moderno, klimatski neutralno, resursno učinkovito i konkurentno gospodarstvo.U dvobroju 11-12/2021. pokušali smo sažeti nazovimo prognoze "Što nam donosi Glazgovska klimatska konferencija". U sklopu potpisane Deklaracije o korištenju šuma i zemljišta, koju je do sada podržalo preko 140 država u kojima se nalazi više od 90% svjetskih šuma, čelnici zemalja obvezali su se zajednički raditi na zaustavljanju i preokretanju gubitka šuma i degradacije zemljišta do 2030. godine. Glavni cilj konferencije odnosio se na ograničavanje povišenja globalne prosječne temperature na razinu koja je znatno niža od 2°C iznad razine u predindustrijskom razdoblju. Ovdje nas zabrinjava činjenica da mnogi neupućeni, a mjerodavni, poistovjećuju krčenje šuma i kontroliranu sječu šuma koja je uzgojni zahvat u održavanju, a posebice u obnovi šumskih sastojina. Usprkos našoj visokoj šumovitosti, to bi nam u budućnosti moglo bitno utjecati na dosadašnji dokazano uspješni način gospodarenja našim šumama.Uredništvo ; EditorialWe explained the mission of this column in a double issue of Forestry Journal several years ago. We pointed out that the intention of the column was not to teach forestry experts about forestry (the profession which they study at the faculty), but to point to some current events taking place in the forest and the forestry profession. By stating the facts, we try to help the forestry practice and science to take a stand on a particular professional problem or event, all with the view of protecting the forest and the profession. Therefore, let us remind ourselves of last year's columns, which point to the problems that await us in the future.In the double issue 1-2/2021 we announced the year-round celebration of the 175th anniversary of the founding of the Croatian Forestry Society (1846) and the 145th anniversary (1877) of the publication of the scientific-professional paper Forestry Journal. Among other things, we pointed out that the Croatian Forestry Society achieved its two main goals. The first was the introduction of higher forestry education in Croatia by founding the College of Agriculture and Forestry in Križevci in 1860 and the Academy of Forestry (the present Faculty of Forestry) in 1898 as the fourth higher education institution of the University of Zagreb. The second goal was achieved by publishing the first issue of Forestry Journal on January 1st, 1877. We especially emphasised that the awareness of the need for higher education to manage forest ecosystems was keenly felt even then. We asked ourselves what the current situation was regarding the forestry profession. We concluded it was dire: everybody knows everything about the forest without having the slightest idea of the forestry profession. We also drew attention to the non-market management of forest resources, particularly the most valuable ones, when by exporting wood raw material instead of wood processing products, we export jobs and devalue the long-lasting hard work of forestry experts. In the double issue 3-4/2021, we discussed the text by Thomas Waitz, representative of the Green Party in the EU, published under the bombastic title "New Report on Deforestation in Croatia", which our Greens immediately "embraced". In view of over 250 years of managing our forests according to the principle of sustainable management, this title is an insult to Croatian experts. In addition, this mixing up of the concepts of deforestation and controlled felling of forests is a blatant example of ignorance, or rather amateurism, which today permeates not only forestry but also other professions. We warmly recommend rereading this Editorial in order to gain a stronger basis for a possible debate of this subject.The Editorial in the double issue 5-6/2021, was entitled "The demise of a man who has devoted his life to forests and forestry". Although his life path was extensively presented in the column "In memoriam", we briefly described the most important points of his life path, concluding: "The demise of Professor Matić ends a period which we, his contemporaries, will always look upon as an unforgettable experience of living a noble foresters' life in togetherness, the result of which are well-tended and preserved forests. Will the new trends, increasingly visible in present day forestry, in which foresters have less and less contact with forests and with their colleagues, be able to respond to all the challenges, particularly in the light of distinct climate changes, remains to be seen." The topic of the double issue 7-8/2021 "Who is to blame for poor business results of wood processors?" is accompanied by the text of the European Forestry Institute and the World Bank, entitled "A survey and recommendations for the wood raw material sale system in the company Croatian Forests Ltd." According to the text, 93 % of wood products in Croatia are sold administratively on the basis of long-term contracts, and only 5 % are sold on the market (Poland 89 - 90 %, Czechia 96 %, and Estonia and France about 100 % on the market). Compared to European prices and prices in neighbouring countries, Croatia sells wood raw material at prices which are 30 – 30 % lower, which incurs a loss of about 316 million kuna annually (oak 163 million kuna, beech 105 million kuna, spruce and fir 48 million kuna). Taking into consideration the principles of sustainable management, as well as the quality and naturalness of Croatian forests (which has earned them the FSC certificate – of which it is the wood processors who reap the highest benefits), we suspect that the losses are even higher than the ones mentioned above. The topic of the double issue 9-10/2021 was "What does the new EU forest strategy for 2030 bring?" A core part of the European Green Deal, this strategy anticipates a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 % by 2030 and a climate-neutral continent by 2050. It also helps meet EU targets to increase CO2 removal through natural sinks under the Climate Act. The strategy gives forests, foresters and the forest-based sector a central role in meeting these targets. With their help, a European transition to a modern, climate-neutral, resource-efficient and competitive economy is expected. The double issue 11-12/2021 was concerned with predictions contained in the text "What does the Glasgow Conference bring us?" As part of the signed Declaration on Forests and Land Use, which has so far been supported by over 140 countries in which more than 90 % of world's forests are located, the leaders pledged to work together to "halt and reverse forest loss and land degradation" by 2030. The main objective of the conference was to limit the increase in global average temperature to a level significantly lower than 2°C above the level in the pre-industrial period. Here, we are concerned about the fact that those who are uninformed, but in position of authority, equate deforestation and controlled felling, which is a silvicultural operation performed in order to maintain and regenerate forest stands. Despite the fact that Croatia is highly forested, this could significantly affect our proven success in the management of our forests.Editorial Board
Članak se bavi karakterom i zastupljenošću etničkoga diskursa u srbijanskim opozicijskim glasilima Demokratija i Srpska reč u periodu 1990./1991. Jedno od pitanja koje razmatra ovaj rad odnosi se na preispitivanje teze o nepostojanju relevantne političke alternative tzv. nacionalnom programu Slobodana Miloševića i njegove političke partije u Srbiji u predvečerje raspada Jugoslavije. ; A statistical analysis of the presence of ethnic discourse (ED) and its subcategory, discourse of ethnic intolerance (DEI), in the party organs Demokratija and Srpska reč shows the indisputably different political character and physiognomy of these two papers. Namely, the average presence of ED in the Srpska reč in the period from June 1990 to June 1991 was four times higher, and the prevalence of DEI ten times higher, than in the Demokratija. In addition to the varying prevalence and character of their ED content, these two organs were fundamentally different as regards the character of their remaining contents. In the Serbian Renewal Movement's organ, the predominant part of the remaining discourse consisted of revisionist serials and essays dedicated to promoting the Chetnik Movement. These texts made up as much as half of the contents of individual issues of the monthly Srpska reč. Putting together all the pro-Chetnik contents and the ED contents of the Srpska reč, we can conclude that, on average, over 60 percent of each issue's contents were exceptionally irrational, conservative, and nationalist. On the other hand, after its first few issues, the Demokratija preserved an ethic of responsibility and a critical stance towards the social reality and political situation in the country. After these first few issues, the ethnic discourse in this organ was present only as a precedent and derailment, and was not a commonplace of political rhetoric, unlike in the case of the Srpska reč. The leadership of the Democratic Party certainly played a role in setting up these standards of civil discourse in this organ but, paradoxically, it often also took responsibility for sharpening the 'national' line of reasoning within the frame of (forced) political pragmatism. Đinđić's or Mićunovićev's ethnic discourse from August 1990 and May 1991 was not supported by a corresponding change in the physiognomy of the paper, which remained predominantly rational, critically oriented, civil, and socially responsible. The analytical verification of facts in this paper certainly supports the thesis of Dubravka Stojanović from 1996 that there was no alternative to this programme in Serbia, at least not within the frame of these two most relevant opposition parties. Furthermore, this paper indicates that, in the summer and autumn of 1990 and in May 1991, the rhetoric of the party leaders of the Serbian Renewal Movement and Democratic Party attempted to be—and often was—more belligerent than Milošević's. As regards almost all questions of the internal order of Yugoslavia, and especially regarding the status of the autonomy of Kosovo and the regulation of the position of Serbian people outside Serbia, the solutions advocated by the opposition were more radical than the ones advocated by Slobodan Milošević's regime.
U članku se razmatraju okolnosti osnutka izložbe Salon mladih ujesen 1968. te uloga te manifestacije u profiliranju društveno-političkoga identiteta mladih umjetnika u idućem razdoblju. Osvrće se na reformska nastojanja na području kulturne politike u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina, analizira jačanje interesa za problematiku mladih u kulturi na razini Socijalističkoga saveza omladine Hrvatske. Objašnjava se materijalni i profesionalni položaj mladih umjetnika te rasvjetljavaju događaji vezani uz studentske prosvjede na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u Zagrebu u lipnju 1968. Nadalje se razmatraju uzroci negativne percepcije Salona u prvim godinama njegova trajanja te razlozi identitetskoga raslojavanja u redovima mladih umjetnika koje je ova izložba izazvala. Potonje se prvenstveno odnosi na suparništvo tzv. novih plastičara i likovne grupe "Atelier Biafra", o čemu se također podrobnije raspravlja. ; The article discusses the circumstances of the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition in the autumn of 1968 and its role in profiling the socio-political identity of young artists in the following period. The starting claim is that the current knowledge about how much events related to global and local student protests directly influenced the art scene in socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia is relatively modest, that is, that the connection between a certain type of avant-garde artistic practice and particular historical context is based on general assumptions. In order to clarify these ties, the article reflects on the cultural policy that immediately preceded the rebellious year, which was marked by general reform efforts in socialist Croatia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 1960s. The social position of young artists became one of the important topics in regard to the reform efforts in the field of culture, as evidenced by the intensity of discussions at the level of the League of Socialist Youth. The text further explains the material and professional working conditions of young artists and the reasons for their dissatisfaction with the cultural and artistic system. Light is shed on events related to student protests at the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in June 1968, which were an immediate occasion for the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition. The thesis is that the Youth Salon, as a representative type of exhibition organised by the central republican art association (ULUH) and the Central Committee of the League of Socialist Youth, represented a typical parade gesture made by the state, which sought to pacify young people's dissatisfaction with the general situation in the field of art and culture. As such, the Youth Salon experienced severe criticism in the first years of its existence. It also influenced the politicisation of young artists, who began to engage in criticism of the system as a whole. The controversy over the Youth Salon was also the immediate cause of the identity divergence between the young avant-garde artists, within which two art groups were the leading opponents: the so-called 'neoplasticists', gathered around Zagreb's SC Gallery, and artists gathered in the Art Group 'Atelier biafra', who were the initiators and organisers of the Youth Salon in the first years. This antagonism would determine the balance of power on the Croatian art scene in the long run and influence the understanding of the echoes of 1968 in art and culture in general.
Krajem listopada 1993. pripadnici Armije Bosne i Hercegovine i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine realizirali su akciju "Trebević-2", koja je bila predstavljena kao konačni obračun s kriminalnim skupinama u muslimanskoj vojsci na području Sarajeva. Za razliku od proklamiranoga cilja, tu je akciju muslimanski politički i vojni vrh iskoristio za rješavanje zaoštrenih odnosa u vrhu Armije Bosne i Hercegovine. Ti narušeni odnosi eruptirali su u razdoblju nakon uspostave dužnosti zapovjednika Armije Bosne i Hercegovine kojom je degradiran načelnik Glavnoga štaba general Sefer Halilović. Usto je akcija "Trebević" poslužila i za skretanje odgovornosti muslimanskoga političkog i vojnog rukovodstva od ratnih zločina počinjenih u operaciji "Neretva 93", gdje su sudjelovale upravo jedinice Armije Bosne i Hercegovine iz Sarajeva protiv kojih je isplanirana i provedena navedena akcija. ; In October 1993, the Muslim political and military leadership, with the full support of the President of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, planned and implemented a military-police operation that was, officially, supposed to introduce order among the 'renegade' commanders of the 9th Motorised and 10th Mountain Brigades of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AB&H). However, a reconstruction of the events that led up to the initiation of the mentioned operation casts doubt on the official version of the events. Namely, the Muslim political and military leadership had been aware of certain inappropriate activities of some units under its command as early as the first half of 1993, but failed to take any concrete actions to sanction them. On the contrary, despite being clearly aware of these problematic activities, the leadership of the AB&H continued to use such units in combat. In September 1993, parts of these units were actively involved in the operation 'Neretva 93', during which war crimes were committed against Croatian civilians in the village of Grabovica on 8 and 9 September. After a meeting held on 4 October 1993, the Muslim leadership headed by Izetbegović reached a decision to deal with the problematic military commanders of the AB&H and a part of the units under their control. However, this process of facing the criminal activities performed by members of the AB&H concealed the real conflict, which was the conflict about who had supreme influence over the army and in politics, and was actually between Izetbegović and the leader of the AB&H Chief of the General Staff, Sefer Halilović. The successful results of operation 'Trebević 2' left Izetbegović without any serious challengers to his authority.
Rad analizira razvoj činovništva u Dalmaciji u periodu druge austrijske uprave od 1814. do 1914., kada je počeo Prvi svjetski rat. Želimo pokazati kako se promijenila civilna administracija iz perspektive službenika koji su odgovarali za realizaciju politike uprave. Činovništvo je imalo veliki utjecaj, zato u historiografiji treba više govoriti o njemu. ; Historians often write in general about how a state or administration 'implemented' or 'introduced' reforms. Of course, an administration does make certain decisions but, in modern times, whole groups of officials are responsible for their realisation. This is the duty of the official apparatus. The success of a given reform is dependent not only on the theory prepared in the silence of the cabinet, but also on its implementation in practice. For this reason, it is important to understand who the officials were and what was their position in the Habsburg Monarchy, where the administration had been one of the most important lynchpins of the functioning of the state since the time of Maria Theresa and Joseph II. It was no different in Dalmatia, where, as we shall later see, every reform of the central authorities increased the number of sections and therefore the number of officials. Regardless, the topic of officials who worked in Dalmatia in the period of the second Austrian administration did not draw the appropriate attention of Yugoslav and Croatian historians until now. This paper analyses the development of the officialdom in Dalmatia during the 'second Austrian government', from 1814 to 1914, when World War I began. We wish to show how the civil administration changed from the perspective of the officials, who were responsible for the realisation of the administration's policies. The officialdom had a great influence, and deserves to be given more attention in historiography.
Zbog sužavanja opsega kaznenopravne zaštite časti i ugleda brisanjem kaznenog djela teškog sramoćenja, učinjenog u petoj noveli Kaznenog zakona potkraj 2019., došlo je do zamjetnih nelogičnosti. Ovo istraživanje preispituje razloge te legislativne intervencije kako bi se ocijenila njezina opravdanost. Zbog potrebnog opsega argumentacije, ova se analiza nadovezuje na prethodno objavljeni rad, odnosno istraživanje povijesnih, pozitivnopravnih i poredbenih argumenata. U ovom radu istražujemo konvencijske standarde i stajališta Europskog suda za ljudska prava u primjeni kaznenopravnog mehanizma na području zaštite časti i ugleda kroz dva konvencijska prava - slobodu izražavanja i pravo na privatan život. Ishod pokazuje da je predviđanje kaznenopravnoga mehanizma zaštite časti i ugleda u skladu s konvencijskim standardima te da, s obzirom na jednaku vrijednost oba prava, njihova kvalitetna zaštita zahtijeva uravnoteženo nacionalno rješenje. Ukazuje se da izazovi poštovanja načela razmjernosti podjednako leže i u području građanskog prava pri određivanju iznosa naknade štete. Sveukupno gledajući, prethodno objavljeni argumenti i ovi koje iznosimo sada pokazuju kako razlozi ukidanja teškog sramoćenja koji su bili dostupni javnosti, ne mogu biti dostatni argumenti za ovu legislativnu intervenciju. Stoga se pledira da pro futuro regulacija u ovom osjetljivom području ne bude vođena naglim kaznenopravnim rezovima bez pažljive stručne i argumentirane procjene i konsenzusa oko društvenih potreba. ; Due to the narrowing of the criminal law protection scope regarding honor and reputation, under the fifth amendment to the Criminal Code at the end of 2019, Severe Vilification was deleted which left noticeable illogicalities. Therefore, this research examines the reasons for this legislative intervention, to assess its justification. Due to the required scope of argumentation, this analysis builds on previously published work that has shown research on historical, positive, and comparative arguments. We are now exploring the ...
U članku se analiziraju pojedina dvojbena pravna pitanja koja se javljaju u praksi prekograničnoga poslovanja društava za osiguranje na jedinstvenom unutarnjem tržištu Europske unije s aspekta važećega pravnog uređenja u Republici Hrvatskoj. Analiza se ponajprije odnosi na pitanja koja se javljaju u praktičnoj primjeni pravila o slobodi pružanja usluga osiguranja predviđenih propisima Europske unije koja se u hrvatski pravni sustav prenose Zakonom o osiguranju. Cilj je rada ukazati na izazove koje za industriju osiguranja u Republici Hrvatskoj donosi liberalizacija tržišta osiguranja zajamčena pravnom stečevinom Europske unije te pružiti određene preporuke koje bi hrvatskim osigurateljima i ostalim pružateljima usluga osiguranja mogle biti korisne kod donošenja poslovne odluke o mogućem prekograničnom obavljanju poslova osiguranja. ; The paper analyses certain legal dilemmas that arise in relation to the provision of cross-border insurance services on the European union single market, particularly in the context of the Croatian legal framework. The analysis covers several issues arising in relation to the practical application of the EU rules on freedom to provide insurance services as implemented in the Croatian national law by the Croatian Insurance Act. Special consideration is given to certain specific legal issues that appear in practice as dubious when it comes to insurance of certain types of risk with a cross-border element, The aim is to point at the challenges that the liberalisation of the insurance market places in front of the Croatian insurance industry, and to make certain recommendations that could be useful to the Croatian insurers and other insurance service providers when deciding on the possibility of carrying on crossborder insurance business.
of freedom of expression. However, they have also made it easier and faster than ever before to spread disinformation, misinformation, propaganda and fake news. Although these phenomena are not new, the impact they have had in recent years on political processes in democratic societies (e.g. the 2016 U.S. presidential election and Brexit) and on human behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic, has drawn attention to this issue. The aim of this paper is to highlight the problem of fake news as a human rights issue in the context of Art. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees freedom of expression. The paper provides a terminological and historical overview of the term fake news and related concepts. It also provides an overview of Art. 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights and clarifies the situations and conditions under which the restrictions on the freedom of expression are justified on the basis of Art. 10(2). The authors also provide an insight into the relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights. ; Internet i društvene mreže uvelike su pridonijeli ostvarivanju slobode izražavanja. No, olakšali su i ubrzali širenje dezinformacija, propagande i lažnih vijesti. Iako ovi fenomeni nisu novi, utjecaj koji su posljednjih godina imali na političke procese u demokratskim društvima (npr. na predsjedničke izbore u SAD-u 2016. i Brexit) i na ljudsko ponašanje tijekom pandemije bolesti COVID-19, skrenuli su pozornost na ovo pitanje. Cilj je ovog rada upozoriti na problem lažnih vijesti (fake news) u kontekstu čl. 10. Europske konvencije o ljudskim pravima koji jamči slobodu izražavanja. U radu se daje terminološki i povijesni pregled pojma fake news i srodnih pojmova. Zatim se daje pregled čl. 10. Europske konvencije o ljudskim pravima i pojašnjavaju situacije i uvjeti pod kojima su ograničenja prava na slobodu izražavanja opravdana na temelju njena čl. 10., st. 2. Autori pružaju uvid i u relevantnu praksu Europskog suda za ljudska prava.
U ovom članku, na temelju primarnih kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih podataka, analiziramo mnogostruke mehanizme koji proizvode nejednakosti u suvremenom hrvatskom društvu i višedimenzionalnu klasnu strukturu koja iz njih proizlazi. Naš je pristup potaknut koncepcijom Pierrea Bourdieua, koju smo znatno revidirali i prilagodili proučavanju postsocijalističkih društava u jugoistočnoj Europi. U tekstu prikazujemo četiri analitička koraka koja su nas vodila do koncepcije sveukupne društvene nejednakosti kao nejednakosti u društvenim moćima. Ti koraci uključuju: (1) konstrukciju društvenog prostora u Hrvatskoj, (2) identifikaciju ključnih generatora društvenih nejednakosti (eksploatacijskih tržišnih mehanizama i mehanizama društvenog zatvaranja), (3) analizu životnih stilova i povlačenja simboličkih granica te (4) analizu diferencijalnog povezivanja i uspostavljanja društvenih granica. Rezultati pokazuju da se, uzimajući u obzir sveukupnu društvenu nejednakost, u suvremenom hrvatskom društvu mogu uočiti četiri klase i sedam klasnih frakcija: (1) Klasa bogata kapitalima, s dvije frakcije – ekonomskom i političkom; (2) Klasa srednje razine kapitala, s kulturnom i socijalnom frakcijom; (3) Međuklasa, koja dijeli neke objektivne karakteristike s Klasom srednje razine kapitala, a druge s Klasom siromašnom kapitalima, ali ima distinktivni stil života i obrasce diferencijalnog povezivanja te (4) Klasa siromašna kapitalima, u kojoj je moguće razlučiti tri frakcije: agrarnu, rurbanu i manualno-uslužnu. U završnim razmatranjima donosimo sintetski prikaz klasne strukture suvremenog hrvatskog društva, raspravljamo o novom pojmu egzistencijalne klase (konceptualiziranom na temelju naših teorijskih i empirijskih analiza) te objašnjavamo najvažnije značajke vlastitog postbourdieuovskog pristupa. ; In this article, based on primary quantitative and qualitative data, we analyze the multiple mechanisms generating inequalities in contemporary Croatian society and the multidimensional class structure resulting from them. Our approach has ...