Suchergebnisse

Rad analizira problem neadekvatne teritorijalne reprezentacije parlamenata ‎koji se biraju putem proporcionalnog izbornog sistema sa jednom izbornom ‎jedinicom. Predmet posmatranja su predstavnička tela Srbije, Holandije i Izraela‎ sa tvrdnjama da na njihovu geografsku reprezentativnost dominantno utiču ‎faktori koji nemaju direktne veze sa izbornim pravilima, kao što su etnička‎ struktura društva i broj lista koje prelaze cenzus. Utvrđuje se da ne postoji jedinstvena ‎pravilnost koja utiče na geografski sastav parlamenta u svakoj od ovih‎ država, već se presudni faktori teritorijalne reprezentativnosti razlikuju u zavisnosti ‎od društvenog konteksta u kome izborni sistem egzistira.‎‎ ; This paper analyzes the problem of insufficient territorial representation of‎ parliaments elected through a proportional electoral system with a nationwide ‎electoral district. The subject of analysis are the representative bodies of Serbia, ‎the Netherlands, and Israel, with the claim that their geographical representativeness ‎is dominantly influenced by factors that have no direct connection ‎with election rules, such as the ethnic diversity of society and the number‎ of party lists that win seats in parliament. It is established that there is no single‎ regularity that has an equal effect on the geographical composition of the ‎parliament in each of these countries. Instead of that, the key factors of territorial‎ representation are different depending on the social context in which ‎the electoral system exists.‎

Ovaj rad bavi se životom slikara Save Šumanovića koji je pre 80 godina, 30. avgusta 1942. streljan na pravoslavnom groblju u Sremskoj Mitrovici, zajedno sa 120 građana Šida, mesta u kojem je u roditeljskoj kući proveo najvažnije formativne, kao i poslednje godine svog života. Do danas mu se ne zna grob. Bio je jedna od najpoznatijih žrtava ustaškog režima u Drugom svetskom ratu u Jugoslaviji. Rad ne tumači slikarstvo Save Šumanovića, već nastoji da oslika milje u kojem je slikar živeo i radio te kroz njegovu biografiju i događaje pokušava da objasni istorijski kontekst koji je doveo do tragičnog kraja Šumanovića. Slike i skice Save Šumanovića danas se nalaze u Parizu, gradu u kojem je živeo u tri navrata, u Zagrebu, gde se školovao, u Beogradu, gde je priređena njegova poslednja samostalna izložba, pred sam početak Drugog svetskog rata, u Novom Sadu u Spomen-zbirci Pavla Beljanskog te u Šidu u kojem je nastao najveći deo njegovog opusa i u kojem je 1952. osnovana Galerija slika "Sava Šumanović", zahvaljujući daru Savine majke, Perside Šumanović. U radu su, osim biografskih knjiga i zapisa savremenika o Savi Šumanoviću, korišćena i ekskluzivna pisma Save Šumanovića, koja su ljubaznošću porodice kolekcionara Milana Vereša bila dostupna autoru. Autor je koristio i intervjue koje je radio sa poznavaocima života i dela Šumanovića, kao i arhivske novinske članke, arhivu Televizije Beograd, te knjigu služavke Marije Demšar koja je tokom Drugog svetskog rata radila u kući Šumanovića u Šidu. ; This article is about the life of painter Sava Šumanović, who was executed 80 years ago (on 30 August 1942) at the Orthodox cemetery in Sremska Mitrovica, together with 120 other citizens of Šid, the city in which he spent his most important formative years. His body was never found to be burried. Šumanović is one of the most publically known victims of the Ustashe regime of the WWII in Yugoslavia. This paper does not discuss Šumanović's artistic contribution but rather the social and political context in which he worked and ...

Tokom trideset godina nakon raspada socijalističke Jugoslavije, Srbija i Hrvatska su kao postjugoslovenske male države ipak drugačije osmišljavale svoje mesto u regionalnom i globalnom kontekstu. O tome svedoči i njihov različit odnos prema međunarodnim organizacijama poput Evropske unije (EU), NATO ili Ujedinjenih nacija. Ovaj članak u središte svog interesovanja uzima UN kao multilateralni forum ili arenu u kojoj se bitno predstavljaju i oblikuju spoljnopolitičke uloge i identiteti malih država. Oslanjajući se na konstruktivističku analizu spoljne politike i teoriju uloga, autor se fokusirao na glavne deonice u razvoju spoljnopolitičkih narativa Srbije i Hrvatske kao aktivnih malih država članica u Ujedinjenim nacijama. Iako obe države vide sebe kao aktivne, ta aktivnost bi trebalo da bude u funkciji dve različite, teorijski profilisane, strategije malih država. Obrazlaže se sledeći argument: dok Srbija zbog složenosti kosovskog pitanja vodi uglavnom defanzivno autonomnu strategiju u skladu sa proklamovanom vojnom neutralnošću, dotle je Hrvatska kao mala članica EU i NATO priklonjena traganju za integracionističkim uticajem u konstelaciji sa evroatlantskim partnerima. Analizom zvaničnih diskursa dveju zemalja u Generalnoj skupštini UN, između 2000. i 2020. godine, pokazano je na koji način, i u kojoj meri se njihovi diskursi o regionalnoj, evropskoj i svetskoj politici približavaju ili udaljavaju, i razmatra se šta to znači za njihova mesta u svetu. ; In 30 years after the breakup of the socialist Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia as small states differently envisaged their place in regional and global context. Such difference is demonstrated by their different relationships toward international organizations such as the European Union, NATO or the United Nations. This article, as its central interest takes the United Nations as a multilateral forum or an arena where small states importantly represent and shape their foreign policy identities and roles. Relying on the constructivist foreign policy analysis and ...

Fight against organized crime is a proactive, strategically oriented activity of all contemporary, democratic states, both nationally and at the international level. The set limits of more efficient suppression of the most serious crimes are the result of active reforms of national normative frameworks, ratified international documents, but also intensive professional cooperation between countries in the field of detecting, combating and prosecuting organized crime. Security threats, which are extremely high when it comes to organized crime, would be difficult to combat without adequate international cooperation between democratic states. One of the countries that actively participate in international cooperation, emphasizing cooperation with European agencies is Serbia. Namely, there is a justified question of the efficiency of Serbia's cooperation with European agencies in the suppression of organized crime, the harmonization of the national framework with the acquis communautare, which is the goal of research in this paper. In accordance with that, the author, through expert and critical analysis of normative solutions, results of practical application and valid theoretical views, analyses the subject matter from the following aspects: first, introductory considerations; second, the effectiveness of financial investigations and the Action Plan for Chapter 23; third, Serbia's cooperation with European agencies in combating organized crime and reforming the normative framework; fourth, concluding remarks. ; Борба против организованог криминалитета представља проактивну, стратешки орјентисану активност свих савремених, демократских држава, како унутар њених граница, тако и на међународном нивоу. Постављене границе ефикаснијег сузбијања најтежих кривичних дела представљају резултат ак- тивних реформи националних нормативних оквира, ратификова- них међународних докумената, али и интензивне, професионалне сарадње између држава која се одвија на пољу откривања, суз- бијања и процесуирања кривичних дела организованог ...

Sistem nacionalnih računa (SNR) nastao je i više puta unapreĎivan na meĎunarodnom nivou sa ciljem da omogući, izmeĎu ostalog, što potpuniju osnovu za analizu ekonomske politike. Polazeći od činjenice da će se u Srbiji nakon pribliţavanja standardima Evropske unije izraĎivati celokupan SNR, što trenutno nije slučaj, i od teze holandskog autora Bosa da će vlade sve manje koristiti SNR, u radu je ispitano koju ulogu nacionalni računi trenutno imaju u analizi ekonomske politike. Cilj istraţivanja je bio da se utvrde načini unapreĎenja upotrebe nacionalnih računa u Srbiji nakon njegove dopune, po oblastima upotrebe. Korišćenjem postojećih podataka, intervjua i kvantitativne analize, to jest ekonometrijske analize vremenskih serija, utvrĎeno je da se u tri oblasti upotrebe SNR, analizi putem indikatora, analizi tokova sredstava i makroekonometrijskom modeliranju, moţe ostvariti napredak već i sada, a posebno nakon dopune statističke produkcije. Posebno je vaţno da će biti moguće unaprediti makroekonometrijsko modeliranje u Srbiji, što je pokazano na primeru funkcije potrošnje. Komparativna analiza imovinskog efekta u Srbiji, Sloveniji, Češkoj i Holandiji pokazala je da varijabla stambene imovine nije značajna u funkciji potrošnje u Srbiji jer ne dominiraju hipoteke u svojinskoj strukturi stambenog fonda i nema finansijskih inovacija kao u razvijenim zemljama. SNR i njegovo stalno unapreĎivanje je potreban ali ne i dovoljan uslov dobre ekonomske politike. SNRje bio dovoljno razvijen za analizu za potrebe voĎenja ekonomske politike u sprečavanju neravnoteţa koje su u poslednjoj krizi imale udela, ali je tek analiza podataka nacionalnih računa eks-post omogućila unapreĎenje analize putem indikatora i standarda na osnovu kojih se mogu sprečiti neki budući mehurovi i neravnoteţe. ; The System of National Accounts (SNA) was designed and has been improved several times on the international level with the aim to provide the best possible complete basis for the economic policy analysis. Starting from the fact that after the ...

In this paper, we focus on terrorism through the criminal legislation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the existing scientific fund, professional literature, various organizations, institutions, political entities, there is not a sufficient degree of agreement to be able to form a court that there is, in general, a generally accepted definition of terrorism. On the other hand, given the various activities and actions, results, effects and consequences of terrorist organizations and terrorists, we must state that there is a very high degree of agreement, that terrorism is one of the biggest security and security threats today. The growing increase in terrorist actions and threats has led to the implementation of new legislative norms in order to better counter terrorism. Organized crime at the international level and terrorist activities increasingly require the connection of states, international organizations through Conventions, Resolutions or Laws. Terrorism acts ambivalently and as a threat to the stability of society, states and their development on a global level. The expansion of terrorism over time has surprised many organizations, institutions, whose goal is to preserve security, where the need for reforms has arisen. Through the laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we will see how the legislator has solved the issue of terrorism and what are the consequences for those who do not adhere to them.

Although the topic of dividing Kosovo and Metohija into the Serbian and Albanian part was mostly avoided by officials, both national and international, it has been discussed in public since the 1960s, mostly owing to Dobrica Ćosić. By choosing the concept of "demarcation" as "the final solution" during the negotiations between Belgrade and Priština from 2018, the thinking about partition has been reaffirmed. At one point, the highest officials of the Republic of Serbia have announced that the idea represents an official position. However, there are four problems with this approach. Firstly, this concept has never been concretized at the official level. The proposals by Branislav Krstić and Dušan Bataković were probably considered, but not adopted as a part of the Serbian state strategy. Secondly, there was no preparation of the public for such an outcome or that work was sloppily done at the moment when the proposal, at least in principle, was declared official. Hence, the "shallow support" was relative, which is why the legitimacy of the idea was questioned. Thirdly, there are no serious indications that the Albanian party is interested in such an outcome. The attitude of politicians, their readiness to discuss this topic is not well accepted by the Albanian public, thus such a course of action is disputed. Even if a consensus was reached in the negotiations and some kind of agreement was signed with such content, it would remain open how long-term it would be and what consequences there would be in the future. The indications that demarcation can be considered are conditioned in such a way that it would actually represent essential delimitation, exchange of territories, with the accompanying request to continue the process of enlarging the Albanian ethno space. Fourthly, there is no agreement of international factors to carry out something like that. Also, when certain proposals were finally considered and "leaked to the public", they were in line with what the Albanian party was asking for and largely ...

After the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, the countries of Western Balkans are slowly establishing mutual economic cooperation, and are struggling with their participation in international trade flow with the usage of international marketing instruments. This significantly decreases their opportunities to accelerate economic development and to improve their competitiveness in the time of new crisis caused by Covid-19 pandemic. Small markets and interstate administrative barriers in the Western Balkans hinder the establishment of new and development of existing enterprises, and cause an outflow of creative human resources. Therefore, it is necessary to promote innovative possibilities of removing barriers for faster circulation of goods, people and capital. The implementation of new models of international marketing could significantly contribute to the intensification of mutual economic cooperation, internationalization of business and attracting foreign investment which are accompanied by the spillover effect. As a result, one could expect the improvement of national economies' competitiveness, increase of exports and gross domestic product and improvement of population living standards. ; Zemlјe Zapadnog Balkana posle raspada bivše Jugoslavije vrlo sporo uspostavlјaju međusobnu privrednu saradnju i zaostaju sa uklјučivanjem u međunarodne privredne tokove, uz pomoć instrumenata međunarodnog marketinga. To značajno umanjuje njihove mogućnosti ubrzanja privrednog razvoja i unapređenja konkurentnosti u uslovima nove ekonomske krize, izazvane pandemijom kovida-19. Mala tržišta i međudržavne administrativne barijere zemalјa Zapadnog Balkana koče osnivanje novih i razvoj postojećih preduzeća, te uzrokuju odliv kreativnih lјudskih resursa. Stoga je potrebno promovisati inovativne mogućnosti uklanjanja barijera za bržu cirkualciju robe, lјudi i kapitala. Primena novih modela međunarodnog marketinga mogla bi značajno doprineti intenziviranju međusobne privredne saradnje, internacionalizaciji poslovanja i privlačenju stranih investicija koje prati spilover efekat. Kao rezultat toga, moglo bi se očekivati unapređenje konkurentnosti privrede ovih zemalјa, povećanje izvoza, povećanje bruto domaćeg proizvoda i standarda stanovništva.

The article investigates the connection between the early record industry and the development of copyright legislation in Croatia and the former Yugoslavia between 1929 and the 1960s. Special attention is given to the topic of the implementation of copyright and the related rights within domestic record production in the selected period. The concept of the author, partly constructed through the implementation of copyright, is then reconsidered in the example of early Yugoslavian popular music. ; Чланак истражује везу између ране дискографске индустрије и развоја законодавства/легислативе о ауторским правима у Хрватској и бившој Југославији између 1929. и 1960-их година. Посебна пажња посвећена је теми имплементације ауторског и сродних права у домаћој грамофонској продукцији у одабраном периоду. Концепт аутора, делом конструисан кроз имплементацију ауторских права, преиспитује се на примеру ране југословенске популарне музике.

The paper discusses the approaches of different media to Holocaust (re)presentation, with special reference to art music in the 20th century. Following the classification proposed by Michael Rothberg on two possible perspectives for representing the Holocaust: realistic and anti-realist (2000), we analyse two compositions: Arnold Schoenberg's A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) and Steve Reich's Different Trains (1988). The aim of the paper is to point out how artistic music reflects and participates in the dominant historical and contemporary discourses of Holocaust representation, especially the discourses of "heroism" and "non-representability". ; У раду се разматрају приступи различитих медија представљању Холокауста, с посебним освртом на уметничку музику у 20. веку. Пратећи поделу коју Мајкл Ротберг (Michael Rothberg) предлаже на два гледишта на могућности представљања Холокауста: реалистичко и антиреалистичко (2000), анализирамо дела A Survivor From Warsaw (1947) Арнолда Шенберга и Different Trains (1988) Стива Рајша. Циљ рада је да укаже на то како уметничка музика рефлектује и партиципира у доминантним историјским и савременим дискурсима представљања и разумевања Холокауста, посебно дискурса "херојства" и "неизрецивости".

As the first festival of contemporary music in socialist Yugoslavia, the Music Biennale Zagreb (founded in 1961) attracted a lot of domestic and foreign media attention. This study discusses the reception of the first Music Biennale in the Belgradian daily newspapers, Politika [Politics], Borba [Struggle] and Večernje Novosti [Evening News], with reference to the characteristics of the editorial policies of these three newspapers. The timely and active reporting of the daily press in Belgrade indicates that the first Music Biennale Zagreb was promptly recognised as an important modernist musical festival for the then cultural life of the whole of Yugoslavia. ; Основан 1961. године, Музички бијенале Загреб, први фестивал савремене музике у социјалистичкој Југославији, од почетка је привлачио велику пажњу домаће и иностране јавности. У раду се анализира одјек првог Музичког бијенала у београдским дневним новинама, Политици, Борби и Вечерњним новостима, при чему се указује и на карактеристике уређивачких политика ових трију листова. Правовремено и активно извештавање београдске дневне штампе о првом загребачком Бијеналу сведочи о промптно препознатом значају ове авангардне манифестације за тадашњи културни живот целокупне Југославије.

Interesovanje za teoriju i praksu rane intervencije u Srbiji je intenzivirano poslednjih desetak godina. U praksi su odavno zastupljeni različiti oblici rada sa decom sa smetnjama u razvoju ranog uzrasta, dok su teorijsko uobličavanje znanja i sistemski pristup ranoj intervenciji, sagledani kroz donošenje državnih odluka, uključivanje sadržaja iz ove oblasti u studijske programe fakulteta koji školuju defektologa, novijeg datuma. Cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na ključne promene i aktivnosti usmerene na razvoj nacionalnih sistema rane intervencije, s posebnim osvrtom na Srbiju. Od šest priotiteta sadržanih u dokumentu Poziv na akciju: Podrška razvoju dece u ranom detinjstvu koji je Vlada Srbije sačinila u saradnji sa UNICEFOM, a koji je zasnovan na Konvenciji o pravima deteta, Ciljevima održivog razvoja i najboljim interesima za svako dete posebno je značajan prvi podrška roditeljstvu. Izdvajanje ovog prioriteta bazirano je na činjenici da je podrška dobrobiti deteta jedan od najvažnijih ciljeva predškolskog vaspitanja i obrazovanja i da je ostvariv samo onda kada porodica može na adekvatan način da oblikuje sopstvene životne okolnosti. Osim toga takozvani model F-reči, utemeljen na odrednicama Međunarodne klasifikacije funkcionisanja, invalidnosti i zdravlja, vidi porodicu kao centralni "kontekstualni" činilac razvoja, koji ima najbolji potencijal za pružanje fizičke i emocionalne bezbednosti deteta i čija dobrobit treba da bude primarni cilj uključivanja u programe rane intervencije i obezbeđivanja usluga. Iako je rad sa porodicom, ključni činilic pozitivnih ishoda rane intervencije, dosadašnja praksa u ovom segmentu rada može da se opiše kao dugo putovanje od pristupa usmerenog na stručnjake koji donose odluke i sprovodi tretman, do pristupa u čijem fokusu je porodica Veštine uspostavljanja saradničkog odnosa su za stručnjake, koji prihvataju model usmeren na porodicu još uvek velik izazov, jer je neophodno da se uloga donosioca odluka, "prepisivača saveta", zameni ulogom partnera, slušaoca, pomagača i konsultanta. ; Interest in the theory and practice of early intervention in Serbia, has intensified in the last ten years. In practice, various forms of work with children with disabilities at an early age have long been represented, whereas theoretical shaping of knowledge and systematic approach to early intervention seen through state-decision making, inclusion of contents from this area in university programmes for educating defectologist, are of the more recent date. The aim of this paper is to point out the key changes and activities directed to development of national early intervention systems, with special reference to Serbia. Considering the six priorities contained in the document Call to Action: Support to children development in early childhood, created by Government of Serbia in cooperation with UNICEF, based on Convention on the rights of the child, Sustainable development goals and best interest for each child individually, the first one is especially important, parenting support. The selection of this priority is based on the fact that supporting the welfare of the child is one of the most important goals of preschool education and that it is achievable only in case when the family can adquately shape their own life circumstances. Besides, the so-called F-word model based on the International Classification of Functioning Disability and Health, recognizes the family as the central "contextual" factor, with best potential for providing physical and emotional security to the child, whose welfare should be the primary goal of inclusion in early intervention and service providing programmes. Although, the work with family is the key factor in positive outcomes of early intervention, current practice in this segment of work can be described as a long journey from and approach focused on decision-making and treatment professionals, to the family-oriented approach. Collaborative skills are still the great challenge for professionals who accept family-oriented model, as it is necessary to replace the role of decision-maker, "advice transcriber" with the role of partner, listener, assistant and consultant.

Radom se želi prikazati kako je tekla borba Filis Šlafli i njenih saborkinja protiv usvajanja Amandmana o jednakim pravima u Ustav Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, kao i kako bi imenovani amandman, prvi put predstavljen američkoj javnosti čak davne 1923. godine, mogao da izmeni društveno—političke prilike u kojima žive američke žene. Velikim delom rad je nastao na osnovu izvora koje su iza sebe ostavile učesnice borbe za, odnosno protiv usvajanja Amandmana o jednakim pravima. Nakon uvodnog prikaza ranog istorijata odnosa javnosti prema amandmanu, našu pažnju ćemo usmeriti na jačanje vatrene opozicije amandmanu na čije čelo je stala Filis Šlafli. Takođe, ispitaćemo strukturu i razmere nasleđa ove konzervativne ikone koje nastavlja da igra značajnu ulogu na političkoj pozornici Amerike. The paper seeks to show how Phyllis Schlafly and her female comrades' struggled against ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, as well as how the named Amendment, which was introduced to the American public back in 1923. for the first time, would change the socio-political circumstances in which contemporary American women live. For the big part, this work is based on the sources left by the participants in this fight for equal rights. After the introductory presentation of the early history of the Equal Rights Amendment, we will direct our attention to the making of the fiery opposition where Phyllis Schlafly stood as the official leader, and examine the structure and proportions of the legacy of this conservative icon which perpetuates to play a paramount role at the American political stage.

Predmet ovog rada je upotreba sekuritizacije pandemije od strane vladajućih političkih elita u cilju dobijanja političkih poena u predizbornoj kampanji u Srbiji 2020. godine, kao i posledice ovog procesa. Samim tim analiza nudi drugačiju perspektivu za sagledavanje manipulacije tokom funkcionerske kampanje korišćenjem analitičkog okvira teorije sekuritizacije, uz dodatak teorije frejminga. Tako će sa analitičkog stanovišta obraditi sve osnovne elemente sekuritizacije pandemije, dok će normativni deo poslužiti za ispitivanje etičnosti, odnosno opravdanosti ove sekuritizacije. Primenom analize diskursa dolazi se do zaključka da je sekuritizacija pandemije bila u funkciji promocije lidera i vladajuće političke partije u Srbiji, a ne stvarne borbe za bezbednost građana. ; The subject of this paper is the use of the securitization of the pandemic by the ruling political elites for the purpose of acquiring political points in the election campaign in Serbia in 2020, as well as the consequences of the process. Thus,the analysis offers a different perspective for observing the manipulation during the campaign of the bureaucrats by using analytical framework of the securitization theory, with the addition of framing theory. In that way, from theanalytical point of view, one will process all the basic elements of the securitization of the pandemic, while the normative part will serve to examine the ethics, respecting the justification of the securitization. By applying the discourseanalysis, a conclusion was reached that securitization of the pandemic was in the function of promoting the leaders and ruling political party in Serbia and not the actual fight for the safety of citizens.

This paper examines the impact of foreign direct investment on the important component of social development, women's entrepreneurship. Promoting gender equality is one of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, which advocates for the reduction of women's unemployment as well as their empowerment. The country of Turkey was taken as an example, for the reason that there has been an increase in women's entrepreneurial activity in the last two decades, but it is still not at а level of entrepreneural development in developed countries. The paper pays special attention to the answer on the question of whether foreign direct investment contributes to higher employment of women in Turkey, as well as to identify the obstacles that stand in the way of women's empowerment and the development of women's entrepreneurship. The practical examples described in the paper unequivocally indicate the importance of the development of women's entrepreneurship, as well as the fact that the bearers of Turkey's economic policy in the future must pay more attention to the issue of attracting foreign direct investment. ; U radu se ispituje uticaj stranih direktnih investicija na važnu komponentu socijalnog razvoja, žensko preduzetništvo. Promovisanje rodne ravnopravnosti je jedan od Milenijumskih razvojnih cilјeva Ujedinjenih nacija koji zagovara smanjenje nezaposlenosti žena, kao i njihovo osnaživanje. Kao primer je uzeta Turska, iz razloga što je u njoj prisutan porast preduzetničke aktivnosti žena u poslednje dve decenije, ali i dalјe nije na nivou razvoja preduzetničke aktivnosti u razvijenim zemlјama. U radu je posebna pažnja posvećena pružanju odgovora na pitanje da li strane direktne investicije doprinose većoj zaposlenosti žena u Turskoj, kao i identifikovanju prepreka na putu osnaživanja žena i razvoja ženskog preduzetništva. Praktični primeri opisani u radu nedvosmisleno ukazuju na značaj razvoja ženskog preduzetništva, kao i na to da nosioci ekonomske politike u Turskoj u budućem periodu moraju veću pažnju posvetiti pitanju privlačenja stranih direktnih investicija.