Despite the differences in our cultural, economic, and political systems China and Australia are societies sharing rapidly urbanising futures. This presents significant challenges for urban planning, placemaking, and the sustainability of livable, urban communities. Using Chongqing as a case study, metaPLACE is an experimental project investigating how participatory urban media (large and small interactive screens, installations, façades, and devices) can act as a co-designed interface between diverse community, industry, and government stakeholders. The empirical data gathered from a co-design workshop held in Chongqing in 2019 indicates there are a range of opportunities and concerns related to equitable placemaking, the environment, the nature of interfaces and participation, ownership and management of data, large and small screens, and cultural and generational considerations. Our critical and comparative analysis of the research design and cultural factors influencing the co-design process, reveal deficiencies in widely accepted models of user experience design and design process used across industry and design research. This has significant implications for transcultural and interdisciplinary co-design and the establishment of a viable Sino-Australian design ecosystem.
China's hyper-speed modernisation process generates complex problems demanding new approaches to designing equitable, integrated, liveable, urban and rural places. The Chinese hinterland city of Chongqing's vast urban and rural area provides rich opportunities for investigating how art and design can help address related liveability and place-making challenges. This research aims to use Sino-Australian co-design to test how participatory urban media (large and small interactive screens, installations, façades, and devices) can act as a dialogic interface between diverse community, industry, and government stakeholders to increase our capacity to manage regional urban place-making problems. Our paper presents three empirical perspectives critically reflecting on a two-day co-design workshop conducted in Chongqing during December 2019 prior to the COVID19 pandemic. Informed by our own observations, and insights contributed by participating urban planners, architects, artists, designers, local government, academics, and students, we take a multi-vocal approach to evaluating the workshop methods, outcomes, and interactions. The unfolding narrative illustrates how transcultural and interdisciplinary co-design processes are entangled in language, local knowledge and traditions, socio-cultural hierarchies, different disciplinary fields and levels of professional status, as well as assumed Western design histories and local understandings of the role of art and design in relation to society. We argue these factors also influence the presentation of knowledge in academic writing about design. This highlights the urgent need for pluriversal modes of co-design, research through design, and scholarship about design which can inclusively impact and respond to the diverse needs of the new international situation and our shared urban futures.
The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...
The Lancet Countdown is an international collaboration established to provide an independent, global monitoring system dedicated to tracking the emerging health profile of the changing climate. The 2020 report presents 43 indicators across five sections: climate change impacts, exposures, and vulnerabilities; adaptation, planning, and resilience for health; mitigation actions and health co-benefits; economics and finance; and public and political engagement. This report represents the findings and consensus of the 35 leading academic institutions and UN agencies that make up The Lancet Countdown, and draws on the expertise of climate scientists, geographers, engineers, experts in energy, food, and transport, economists, social, and political scientists, data scientists, public health professionals, and doctors.
L'articolo analizza da una prospettiva storica l'emersione del modello politico, economico, giuridico cinese, indagandone prospettive e possibili sviluppi nel quadro più ampio delle relazioni internazionali.
Agriculture, Rural village and Peasants (ARP) represent the production structure, social structure and cultural structure (3S) of rural China for thousands of years in its trinity. To find the long roots of Chinese civilization and to feel the creativity, splendour, diversity and regionality of Chinese traditional culture, it must be in the countryside relating to the ARP. However, China's rural areas have been constantly challenged by political, economic, technological changes and other cultures interruption. Especially after decades of modernization and urbanization, the three structural relationships of rural traditional harmony are gradually being resolved. The originality of the rural tradition and the cultural accumulation it bears are facing extinction. For a nation whose culture has been passed down for thousands of years, this will be an irreparable and huge loss. Fortunately, in 2005 the central government put forward the slogan of "Beautiful Villages", emphasizing the need to build beautiful and livable villages for farmers. The government's authorities have issued a series of support policies for this purpose. The national standard for "Beautiful Villages" was introduced in 2015. It supports the village protection and development plans for the newly established list of traditional Chinese villages and supports the pilots of rescue protection in various places. It requires traditional villages to rely on historical and cultural resources reasonably to carry out various development models such as cultural creativity, popular science education and leisure tourism. From the macro-level of management, it is proposed that government-led, government-invested, unified planning, development, management, management and management rights should be unified. At the same time as the promotion of cultural relics protection and basic implementation, attention is paid to protecting the interests of the people and social benefits. Over the past years, all sectors of society, including some enterprises and institutions, have responded positively, forming various forms of practice in rural villages protection and development. For example "characteristic vernacular villages", "characteristic folk villages", "modern new villages", "historical ancient villages", etc. They mainly make some useful attempts to solve various problems faced by the countryside through the combination of rural tourism, leisure agriculture and ecological agriculture. However, most of these practices are based on direct input from external funds and management. Many of them fail to reach out to the current issues of the ARP, and unable to face the problems of a poor 3S relationship. Therefore, how to combine the protection of the "post-cultural heritage" of the countryside with the exploration of the new form of the ARP and reconstruction of the 3S relationship under the new historical conditions and opportunities has become the theoretical and practical issues of rural protection and development. To realize the goal of "Beautiful Villages", it is very necessary to take action at both levels of strategic thinking and practical approach. It is necessary to make forward-looking explorations and practices in accordance with the actual conditions of rural areas in different regions.
India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy is born out of its 'Look East' policy, initially aimed at extending its influence into the Asia-Pacific region. Modi's June 2018 address at the Shangri La Dialogue marked New Delhi's full embracing of the Indo-Pacific concept. Thereafter, Indo-Pacific diplomacy, or such a vision, has become a new pillar of Indian foreign policy, and a new angle through which it is observed. India's Indo- Pacific diplomacy will continue to put emphasis on its relationship with ASEAN and respect for ASEAN's centrality in regional security cooperation. Meanwhile, India is expected to strengthen multilevel exchanges and cooperation in different areas with like-minded countries such as the US, Japan, and Australia, and continue to engage in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) – but probably keep a relatively low profile. Though it may share common interests with the US in dealing with a rising China, India so far seems to prefer hedging its bets on both China and the US, and is reluctant tochoose a side too early. Consequently, India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy will maintain a relatively clear-cut strategic independence. Limitations of India's Indo-Pacific diplomacy include: the kind of competition and confusion that seems to exist between its two ambitions, i.e. the Indian Ocean region as India's paramount strategic focus, and the Asia-Pacific as the hub of its Indo-Pacific diplomacy; ASEAN's centrality may be diminished by the Indo-Pacific; and India's simultaneous engagement with Quad and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization may leave the awkward impression of straddling two boats. ; 印度的印太外交脱胎于其东向政策,初心是为融入亚太。以莫迪2018 年6 月香格里拉论坛讲话为标志,印度已全面接受"印太"概念,印太外交或印太构想将成为印度对外政策的新视角和新支柱。印度的印太外交将继续重视东盟外交,尊重东盟在地区安全合作中的中心地位。同时,印度将与美、日、澳这些"志同道合"的国家在多个层面、多个领域强化互动与合作,会继续参与四国集团但会适度保持低调。尽管在应对中国崛起上印度与美国有共同利益,但印度目前仍希望在中美间采取对冲战略,不想过早选边站队,因此其印太外交将保持较强的战略自主性。印度印太外交的局限在于:印度的主要战略方向印度洋与其印太外交的主要方向——亚太之间似乎存在某种矛盾;印太本身冲击东盟的地区中心地位;以及印度同时参与四国集团和上合组织也让人感觉印度"脚踩两只船"。
In recent years, studies in the fields of both foreign policy analysis and international relations theory on China's domestic level have increased. However, these increases in studies have not been well received. Our research reviewed the related classical literature and the published literature over the past decade, seeking to find correlations among the various domestic factors and explore the progress of the operationalization of several variables. Our findings reveal that regime type and beliefs are the two variables which have been well studied in both of the fields of foreign policy analysis and international relations theory; that variables related to actors have been studied in the field of foreign policy analysis; and that new academic achievements inboth the studies have been adopted into the paradigms of international relations theory. These new developments have generally stimulated multilevel analysis in international relations. ; 近年来,国内政治层次在对外政策分析和国际关系理论两个领域的共同推动下,形成了一个要素庞多、交互复杂的知识网络体系,但却很少有研究兼顾宏观与微观双视角下去探究、梳理、整合这个知识体系。通过考察相关经典文献与近十年的研究成果,本文对国际关系研究中的国内政治解释进行类型化的分析,从宏观上寻找各要素之间的相关性,从微观上探索各变量的操作化进展。各变量在对外政策分析与国际关系理论两个领域的发展状况和深入程度存在差异,其中政体、观念等是两个领域的交互关系较深的变量,而行为体相关变量主要由对外政策分析领域推动,一些国际关系理论范式直接套用了这些研究成果。两个领域间相互推动发展的这种关系,不仅使国际关系研究不再只强调单方向、单层次的分析方法,而且互动与跨层次分析的成果也越来越丰富。
In its nature, world history is an evolutionary cycle of non-rules, non-order to rules and order. The Peace of Westphalia began the international order aiming to resolve disputes through multinational meetings. However, the fragile world order and the code of international relations failed to prevent World War Ⅰ. Although a new system of multinational mechanisms, formed after World War I, reformed the international community, it did not stop World War Ⅱ from breaking out. After World War Ⅱ, a new system of international organizations represented by the United Nations and new norms of international relations centered on the Charter of the United Nations were established. Despite its undeniable role in the world order and the norms of international relations, the so-called Yalta System, still has its flaws. After the end of the Cold War, the necessity of a new world political, economic and security order is rising. The theory and practice of global governance is in need of upgrading. However, due to complicated historical and realistic reasons, the process of building up a new order based on new rules would be long and tortuous. Key Words: International Order, Power Relations, Charter of the United Nations, Global Governance ; 世界历史归根到底,就是从无规则无秩序到有规则有秩序,再到建立新规则新秩序无限发展历程。威斯特伐利亚条约的诞生,标志着以多边会议为争端解决机制的国际秩序开始形成,但粗陋而孱弱的世界秩序和国际关系准则并没能阻止第一次世界大战的爆发。一战后形成的一系列新型多边合作机制曾使国际社会欢欣鼓舞,但这套体制和规则仍未能阻止二战的爆发。国际社会于二战结束之际,建立起以联合国为代表的新的国际组织体系和联合国宪章为核心的新型国际关系准则。这套名为雅尔塔体系的世界秩序和国际关系规则虽然发挥了不可否认的历史作用,但许多方面仍不尽如人意。冷战结束后,世界呼唤新的政治经济秩序、安全格局,全球治理从理论到实践都亟待更新。但由于极其复杂的历史和现实原因,建立基于新规则的新秩序,将是一个漫长而曲折的历史过程。 【关键词】国际秩序,大国关系,联合国宪章,全球治理
Abstract: The year 2019 marks the 5th anniversary of Chinese President Xi Jinping's vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. This article firstly makes a general summary of the progress made in national decision-making, policy oath and international recognition in the past five years since China put forward the vision of sustainable security.The article will then analyze the current challenges in global security governance. Based on the above information, the way forward for global security governance in the 21st century is discussed. Lastly, the vision of sustainable security is applied to practical issues of international security governance such as climate change and the future prospects of the Korean Peninsula. Additionally, a new security paradigm and specific resolutions for those problems are put forward. Keywords: Sustainable security; Global governance; International security; Climate change; Korean peninsula ; 2019是中国国家主席习近平提出共同、综合、合作、可持续安全观5周年。拙文首先就中国提出可持续安全观5年来,在国家决策、政策宣誓、国际认同方面取得的进展做一概要的总结;然后分析当前全球安全治理方面面临的挑战;在此基础上探讨21世纪全球安全治理的出路,将可持续安全观与气候变化问题、朝鲜半岛前景等国际安全治理的实际问题相结合,创造性地提出新的安全范式及解决问题的具体措施。 【关键词】可持续安全;全球治理;国际安全;气候变化;朝鲜半岛
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has emerged as a new model of regional governance at a moment of an increasing deficit of global governance and a governance dilemma in the European Union. In the past several years, during the consultations with the respective countries, the BRI has shocked the traditional western governance paradigm from the perspective of governance concept, structure and regulation. The BRI has also marked a change from Western governance emphasizing good-governance to Oriental and Chinese governance, emphasizing good-administration. From actor-oriented governance to topic-oriented governance and from pluralistic integration governance to multivariate, multibody governance. Those changes indicate the characteristics of the BRI based on resolving problems under shared circumstances, building consensus with shared ideals, searching for new ideas with shared needs, and would help to provide a regional governance transition with a feasible and referable model providing promising prospects. Key words: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Governance Paradigm, Concept, Structure, Regulation ; 全球治理赤字突显、欧盟治理遭遇困难之际,"一带一路"这一新型区域治理形式出现。几年来,在与沿线周边国家共商共建实践中,"一带一路"倡议合作在治理理念、结构、规范几个方面动摇了西方传统治理范式,预示着区域治理的改变和转向:从强调良治的西方治理模式向强调良政的东方方式、中国方式转变,从主体导向治理向主题导向治理转变,从多元一体治理向多元多体治理转变。这些转变体现了"一带一路"基于共同处境解决问题、出于相同理念凝聚共识、立于共同需求寻找方案的新特点,有望为区域治理转型提供可行的经验、可鉴的模式与可期的前景。 【关键词】:"一带一路";治理范式;理念;结构;规范
En las últimas décadas, la educación superior se sitúa en el cruce de la investigación, la educación y la innovación, y constituye el eje central de la economía y de la sociedad del conocimiento, así como el factor clave para la competitividad de cada país. Hoy en día, con el rápido desarrollo de la globalización, la internacionalización de la educación superior se está convirtiendo en una estrategia fundamental del desarrollo para los institutos educativos superiores de los países de todo el mundo, incluso para los de China y de España, dado el creciente intercambio entre ellos. Sin duda alguna, la investigación de las leyes españolas y las chinas respecto a la educación superior consiste en la necesaria condición previa para los intercambios y el desarrollo entre ambos países, y también es imprescindible llevarse a cabo una traducción concerniente a los documentos jurídicos. A estos se suma que son escasos los documentos existentes tanto en español como en chino acerca de la educación superior. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las dificultades de la traducción chinoespañol sobre los textos legislativos y las diferencias de dichos textos, y después intentar plantear unas soluciones. Para ello, tomamos la Ley de Educación Superior de China y la Ley relativa de España como corpus de la investigación, utilizando la metodología cualitativa, en que usamos técnicas de la etnografia y del análisis del discurso y libros, analizamos los datos estableciendo un contraste de la educación superior de ambos países. Asimismo, con el objetivo de obtener las estrategias para la traducción de la Ley de Educación Superior, por medio de la teoría de equivalencia dinámica planteada por Eugene A. N ida, un gran traductor estadounidense, estudiamos y comparamos las características de lenguaje del derecho educativo superior chino y el español, y las dificultades durante la traducción, aplicando la metodología contrastiva. Los resultados revelan que existen muchas diferencias entre dos lenguas, de ahí que, es menester ...
Con la globalización económica y cultural, la movilidad demográfica se ha convertido en un fenómeno muy frecuente. Dentro de este marco, España, siendo un país desarrollado, se ha transformado en un destino popular de inmigración de ciudadanos chinos. En virtud de los datos proporcionados por el Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) hasta el año 2018, la población china que reside en España asciende a 215.970, representando 4,6 % de toda población extranjera en España. Por su parte, las leyes son un elemento esencial tanto para el Estado de un país, como para los ciudadanos, dado a que estas ayudan a garantizar la estabilidad social. Por ello, es imprescindible que los inmigrantes acumulen conocimientos en materia de legislaciones y normativas locales del país al que emigran, sobre todo cuando acaban de llegar a su destino. Sin embargo, la mayoría de los inmigrantes chinos jamás ha recibido formación lingüística, es decir, el idioma vendría siendo un importante obstáculo durante el proceso de aprender acerca de las leyes y normativas del país de destino. En estos casos, los intérpretes y traductores jurídicos desempeñan un rol relevante con el que son capaces de dar apoyo a los inmigrantes. Sin embargo, a pesar del avance de las investigaciones en materia de la traducción jurídica, todavía existen algunas limitaciones y carencias. De forma paralela, el sistema de seguridad social tiene se caracteriza por ser una cimentación cada vez más indispensable para la estabilidad social, para la promoción de la integración social y para garantía de la integridad de la vida de los individuos. Al igual que otros sistemas de seguridad, el sistema correspondiente para satisfacer las necesidades de personas discapacitadas también ha experimentado un largo proceso de evolución. Empero, si comparamos el avanzado sistema español de Seguridad Social que atiende los derechos de las personas con discapacidad con su equivalente sino, en el sistema de China aún queda mucho por mejorar. Ahora, en cuanto a la concepción que se tiene ...
The article points out that the current expansion of the semiotic focus from signs and texts to whole cultures needs the development of a coherent method. It therefore proposes to establish it through an application of the topological theory of fractals to the analysis of different kinds of symmetries in the semiosphere. Having defined fractals as resemblance between two topological structures, the article first dwells on what "resemblance" means in the comparison of both visual and conceptual patterns; it then proposes a typology of fractal similarities, based on the topological operations of rotation, translation, and reflection. Examples of each typology are given from the fields of cultural and political analysis. The article concludes by hypothesizing that cultural semiotics might evolve into a "pattern science", challenging the customary disciplinary barriers between the study of regularities in nature and in culture.
Rural-urban linkages—including physical, economic, social, and political connections—are crucial for ending hunger and malnutrition (SDG 2) sustainably in both rural and urban areas. Rural-urban linkages also support other Sustainable Development Goals. Urban growth increases food demand and spurs dietary changes in urban areas—new demand can create opportunities for rural producers to improve their livelihoods. Broken value chains and poor coordination weaken rural-urban links and hold back progress on food security and nutrition. Investment in rural infrastructure and intermediate towns—quality rural and feeder roads, electricity, storage facilities, communications and information—can build connections and create hubs of economic activity benefiting smallholders and cities. ; PR ; IFPRI1 ; DGO; CPA
