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This article is supposed to reveal Ukrainian and Polish specificity of understanding of the notion: strategic partnership through the studies of the priorities of the two countries' foreign policies. Secondly, it covers the question of Polish–Ukrainian relations in the term of strategic partnership. Strategic partnership can be understood formally and substantively. The first meaning arises as a result of various declarations made by political leaders expressing the will of joining their states by a sort of special attachment. The second one concerns current relations between the states and is composed of five constitutive attributes: mutual preference and intensification of contacts, definitively more intensive than typical relations with other countries; formalising mutual relations by establishing bilateral institutions, joint military units and regular meetings on all governmental levels; dedication to common goals in the scope of foreign affairs, leading to higher integrity; refraining from acting against partner's strategic aims and equal status of partners. Analysing the priorities of Polish foreign policy, it is possible to observe that since 1989 Warsaw has been permanently struggling to become an equal member of the Euro–Atlantic community (NATO, UE) and to develop strategic partnership with the most influential states (USA, FRG, France). Furthermore, strategic relations with neighbours, especially Ukraine, remain Poland's high priorities. It is important to notice that Warsaw attaches visibly greater importance to this bond than Kiev, balancing between the West and the East, does. As far as substantive strategic partnership is concerned, it must be affirmed that only few of the five constitutive attributes are fulfilled. Certainly, the mentioned countries maintain intensive diplomatic relations on all governmental levels and frequently demonstrate mutual preference. Unfortunately, despite gestures of friendship, still only a few mutual projects, especially in the fields of economy and power industry, are conducted. There are comparatively many Polish– Ukrainian institutions and a military unit: POLUKRBAT. On the other hand, several examples of acting against partner's strategic aims can be found. However the lack of foreign policies' integrity disqualifies the authentic strategic partnership between Poland and Ukraine, there is no point of denying all positive changes. The reconciliation after many years of tragic history is a valuable success of both governments. To conclude, present Polish–Ukrainian relations ought to be defined as plenty of prospects for the future, but not to such an extent which would allow us to call them strategic partnership. ; Celem artykułu jest ukazanie polskiej i ukraińskiej specyfiki rozumienia pojęcia "partnerstwo strategiczne" na podstawie prezentowanych przez nie priorytetów polityki zagranicznej, a także rozstrzygnięcie czy współczesne stosunki na linii Warszawa – Kijów mogą być określone mianem materialnego partnerstwa strategicznego. Opisując instytucję partnerstwa strategicznego należy odróżnić jej znaczenie formalne od materialnego. W znaczeniu formalnym partnerstwo strategiczne to takie stosunki pomiędzy określonymi podmiotami, które są w ten sposób nazywane przez przedstawicieli tych podmiotów. Z kolei w znaczeniu materialnym to taki układ stosunków pomiędzy określonymi podmiotami, który niezależnie od używanych na jego określenie terminów, spełnia pewne przesłanki. Na cechy konstytutywne partnerstwa strategicznego składają się: wzajemne uprzywilejowanie oraz intensyfikacja kontaktów, idące dużo dalej niż typowe stosunki z innymi podmiotami stosunków międzynarodowych czy w ramach organizacji międzynarodowych; instytucjonalizacja wzajemnych stosunków poprzez powołanie wspólnych organów, jednostek wojskowych oraz mechanizmu regularnych spotkań na wszystkich szczeblach; wspólnota celów strategicznych w obrębie bezpieczeństwa i polityki zagranicznej, prowadząca do koordynacji poczynań w tych dziedzinach; powstrzymanie się od działań niezgodnych z celami strategicznymi partnera; równoprawna pozycja partnerów, bez znamion dominacji jednej ze stron. Analizując priorytety polskiej polityki zagranicznej można zauważyć, że III RP praktycznie od momentu powstania starała się zostać równoprawnym członkiem wspólnoty euroatlantyckiej (NATO, UE) oraz rozwijać uprzywilejowane stosunki z najbardziej wpływowymi państwami z jej obrębu (USA, RFN, Francja). Ponadto wysokie miejsce wśród jej priorytetów zajmowały strategiczne stosunki z sąsiadami, zwłaszcza z Ukrainą. Co ważne, Warszawa przywiązywała wyraźnie większą wagę do tej więzi niż Kijów, który większość czasu starał się lawirować między Zachodem i Wschodem. W związku z tym tylko część cech konstytutywnych partnerstwa strategicznego zostało w tej relacji spełnionych. Państwa utrzymują intensywne stosunki dyplomatyczne i często demonstrują wzajemne preferencje. Niestety, pomimo gestów przyjaźni, łączy je tylko kilka wspólnych projektów. Istnieje stosunkowo wiele polsko-ukraińskich instytucji, w tym wspólna jednostka wojskowa: Polukrbat. Z drugiej strony, można znaleźć kilka przykładów działania wbrew strategicznym celom partnera. Bez wątpienia pozytywna zmiana zaszła na polu pojednania między narodami, niemniej współczesne stosunki na linii Warszawa – Kijów mogą co najwyżej stać się w przyszłości materialnym partnerstwem strategicznym.

The question of the so-called democracy deficit in the European Union is one of the most interesting and complex problems and, at the same time, one of the most important challenges the European Union faces at the begining of the 21st century. As emphasised by many scientists and politicians, the process of European integration requires planting, among the citizens of Member States, of firm belief that theirs is a true influence upon the process. In other words, better legitimization of the European Union activities is needed. The article deals with certain aspects of the European Union's institutional system operation in which democracy deficit reveals. Then, the Author analyzes such problems as competences, positions and interdependencies among the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank. Other problems addressed include qualified majority voting in the EU Council and the number of the European Parliament's members compared to the number of citizens in Member States, as well as passing of financial perspectives specifying the European Union's expenditures for several years to come.

The question of the so-called democracy deficit in the European Union is one of the most interesting and complex theoretical problems and, at the same time, one of the most important challenges the European Union faces at the beginning of the 21st Century. As emphasised by many scien-tists and politicians, the process of European integration requires plant-ing, among the citizens of Member States, of firm belief they have true influence upon the process. In other words, better legitimization of the European Union's activities is needed. The article deals with certain theoretical aspects of the issue of "de-mocracy deficit" in the European Union. It names and discusses four sources of legitimization for the European Union: "direct legitimization", "indirect legitimization", "utilitarian legitimization" and legitimization based upon common European principles and values. It is the author's statement that as the European Union is a sui generis construction (with such attributes as a State, a supranational organization and an interna-tional organization), its legitimization should stem from combination of a number of sources, including the above-mentioned ones.

We, the citizens of Europe, having grievously suffered from wars, despotic regimes, alliances of throne and altar, religious repressions, and genocidal totalitarian dictatorships, knowing the high price of the democratic political orders and being determined to defend them from authoritarian movements and organizations, declaring our connection to the democratic European tradition and democratic values, such as the natural right of every human being to participate in public debate and to codefine the public good, to constitute, control and recall the political representatives of every level and to define their competence, and other democratic values contained in the great constitutions, such as Magna Carta, The Declaration of The Rights of Man and Citizen, T he General Declaration of Human Rights, The European Convention of The Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom, The European Social Cart.

Owing to the Internet the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' is thriving. Although even today it is difficult to decide unanimously whether the Miltonian principle of the self-righting process is a theory reflected in real life, or rather a 'rhetoric myth', it is beyond any doubt that the conviction that under the conditions of free exchange of information and opinion truth is able to triumph over falsehood still intrigues people, who feel compelled to verify this conviction over and over again. How much the ideas referred to at the beginning of this text, namely the free marketplace of ideas and self-righting process, have taken possession of the imagination of a contemporary information recipient is demonstrated by the fact that they are echoed both in the academic studies devoted to the issue of freedom of speech and in introductory, journalistic or educational publications. It seems that in the future it will be the Internet that remains one of the main instruments to verify the rightness of the self-righting process. One should not doubt that it will be a never-ending process, as predicted by Milton. One can assume though that the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' will continue to exert a significant impact on the development of international standards of free speech both in Western culture and elsewhere. ; Owing to the Internet the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' is thriving. Although even today it is difficult to decide unanimously whether the Miltonian principle of the self-righting process is a theory reflected in real life, or rather a 'rhetoric myth', it is beyond any doubt that the conviction that under the conditions of free exchange of information and opinion truth is able to triumph over falsehood still intrigues people, who feel compelled to verify this conviction over and over again. How much the ideas referred to at the beginning of this text, namely the free marketplace of ideas and self-righting process, have taken possession of the imagination of a contemporary information recipient is demonstrated by the fact that they are echoed both in the academic studies devoted to the issue of freedom of speech and in introductory, journalistic or educational publications. It seems that in the future it will be the Internet that remains one of the main instruments to verify the rightness of the self-righting process. One should not doubt that it will be a never-ending process, as predicted by Milton. One can assume though that the concept of a 'free marketplace of ideas' will continue to exert a significant impact on the development of international standards of free speech both in Western culture and elsewhere.

The terminology developed to serve the needs of stableWestern democracies fails with respect to the republics that emerged following the collapse of the USSR. This may be confirmed by the notion of the 'grey zone', assisted democracy, managed democracy or electoral democracy. The Belorussian transition process seems to be work in progress. Its closure would demand that the current state be acknowledged as being stable rather than transitional. Aunanimous assessment is not assisted by the terminological divergence that is indispensably accompanying transformation, transition or the period of transition, as termed in the Russian language, which seems to be the best description of the process. The analysis does not apply the dichotomist approach to democracy, either, where democracy is considered to be either present or absent, since it is impossible to identify the nondemocratic elements of the system unanimously. T. Carothers, who was critical of Huntington's Third Wave, claims that when the key elements of a political system are appropriately manipulated for the benefit of a heuristic analysis it results in a political system of managed democracy to be a priori acknowledged to be a democratic one. The tools of analysis developed for the needs of stableWestern democracies fail when faced with a new type of personal, party or military dictatorship, or with neoauthoritarianism, understood as authoritarianism altered by the irreversible globalization processes. ; The terminology developed to serve the needs of stableWestern democracies fails with respect to the republics that emerged following the collapse of the USSR. This may be confirmed by the notion of the 'grey zone', assisted democracy, managed democracy or electoral democracy. The Belorussian transition process seems to be work in progress. Its closure would demand that the current state be acknowledged as being stable rather than transitional. Aunanimous assessment is not assisted by the terminological divergence that is indispensably accompanying transformation, transition or the period of transition, as termed in the Russian language, which seems to be the best description of the process. The analysis does not apply the dichotomist approach to democracy, either, where democracy is considered to be either present or absent, since it is impossible to identify the nondemocratic elements of the system unanimously. T. Carothers, who was critical of Huntington's Third Wave, claims that when the key elements of a political system are appropriately manipulated for the benefit of a heuristic analysis it results in a political system of managed democracy to be a priori acknowledged to be a democratic one. The tools of analysis developed for the needs of stableWestern democracies fail when faced with a new type of personal, party or military dictatorship, or with neoauthoritarianism, understood as authoritarianism altered by the irreversible globalization processes.

Watching the events in the Ukraine, the Author poses the question of whether democracy is in danger. Since the relations between Ukrainian society and authorities are perceived as the most serious problem in the integration of Ukraine with the EU, democracy is at stake. It is acknowledged that even if the Ukraine develops two times faster than she is doing now, without the fulfillment of the condition of becoming a lawful state in terms of the relations between her citizens and authorities she cannot expect to elevate her status in the opinion of West European politicians. ; Watching the events in the Ukraine, the Author poses the question of whether democracy is in danger. Since the relations between Ukrainian society and authorities are perceived as the most serious problem in the integration of Ukraine with the EU, democracy is at stake. It is acknowledged that even if the Ukraine develops two times faster than she is doing now, without the fulfillment of the condition of becoming a lawful state in terms of the relations between her citizens and authorities she cannot expect to elevate her status in the opinion of West European politicians.

The Author presents the main elements of the Euroconstitution that have caused the greatest protest of French society and resulted in its rejection in the referendum of May 2005. These include: the ultra-liberal economic system of the EU, poor protection of human rights and the rights of employees, poor security of democratic functioning of the EU structures, subjecting of the EU defense policy to NATO, failure to provide for a secular character of states and insufficient guarantees of women's rights. The second part of the paper is devoted to the analysis of the activity of French civic society in the constitutional campaign and to the Author's participation in this campaign ; The Author presents the main elements of the Euroconstitution that have caused the greatest protest of French society and resulted in its rejection in the referendum of May 2005. These include: the ultra-liberal economic system of the EU, poor protection of human rights and the rights of employees, poor security of democratic functioning of the EU structures, subjecting of the EU defense policy to NATO, failure to provide for a secular character of states and insufficient guarantees of women's rights. The second part of the paper is devoted to the analysis of the activity of French civic society in the constitutional campaign and to the Author's participation in this campaign

In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy. ; In the period when 'our natural political environment' was provided by controlled 'socialist democracy' we tended to look to Europe for a model of democratic perfection. As the doctrine of human rights and the institutions guarding it became increasingly common, this conviction was yet augmented. Such a high opinion of European political practice was undoubtedly affected by the defeat of Nazism, which was commonly interpreted as a victory for democracy. The feeling of European democratic identity was further confirmed several decades later, when Communism collapsed. Thus the process of progressive European integration, which commenced soon after the end ofWorldWar II, and intensified after 1989, seemed to testify to Europe's unanimously democratic nature. Yet a more considerate insight into the unification processes raises numerous doubts as to whether we are really facing the construction of European structures following the principles of liberal democracy.

An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt. ; An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt.

The problem of democratic deficit in European institutions did not draw the particular attention of either EU officials or the national leaders of member states over the long period of the European Community's' existence. The political discussion over the issue of EU democratization was revived by a speech delivered by German minister of foreign affairs, Joschka Fisher, at the Humboldt University on May 12, 2000. Presenting his vision of the future of European integration this German politician emphasized that it was necessary to solve the 'problem of democracy' among others. Shortly before this, democratic deficit had become the subject of a comprehensive scientific analysis. The literature of the subject examined sources, formulated the definitions of democratic deficit, and searched for the answers to the question ofwhat the European Union is, what democracy is and whether it is appropriate to talk about a democratic non-state. ; The problem of democratic deficit in European institutions did not draw the particular attention of either EU officials or the national leaders of member states over the long period of the European Community's' existence. The political discussion over the issue of EU democratization was revived by a speech delivered by German minister of foreign affairs, Joschka Fisher, at the Humboldt University on May 12, 2000. Presenting his vision of the future of European integration this German politician emphasized that it was necessary to solve the 'problem of democracy' among others. Shortly before this, democratic deficit had become the subject of a comprehensive scientific analysis. The literature of the subject examined sources, formulated the definitions of democratic deficit, and searched for the answers to the question ofwhat the European Union is, what democracy is and whether it is appropriate to talk about a democratic non-state.

In the Author's opinion, if the development of civic society is to be measured in terms of participation in political life and involvement in non-government organizations East Germans seem to have adapted to the new reality better than Poles. However, if we take into consideration the potential of both nations Poles still stand a chance to build an efficient, and, first of all, their own, modern society. The advantage of having retained their own country, although so often criticized by Poles, may turn out to be fundamental. East Germans could not enjoy this privilege. ; In the Author's opinion, if the development of civic society is to be measured in terms of participation in political life and involvement in non-government organizations East Germans seem to have adapted to the new reality better than Poles. However, if we take into consideration the potential of both nations Poles still stand a chance to build an efficient, and, first of all, their own, modern society. The advantage of having retained their own country, although so often criticized by Poles, may turn out to be fundamental. East Germans could not enjoy this privilege.

The European Social Fund is one of the instruments used to prevent the unemployment of people with disabilities in Poland. The Author of the paper assesses the degree to which in 2004–2006 Poland made use of the ESF financial resources under 'Measure 1.4' of the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development. It is EFS funds and other EU resources that may, at least partially, prevent numerous problems. This may be achieved by the organization of vocational training and psychology workshops for people with disabilities and for those who collaborate with them. ; The European Social Fund is one of the instruments used to prevent the unemployment of people with disabilities in Poland. The Author of the paper assesses the degree to which in 2004–2006 Poland made use of the ESF financial resources under 'Measure 1.4' of the Sectoral Operational Programme for Human Resources Development. It is EFS funds and other EU resources that may, at least partially, prevent numerous problems. This may be achieved by the organization of vocational training and psychology workshops for people with disabilities and for those who collaborate with them.

Ukraine, which has been a sovereign state since 1991, is facing a dilemma whether it should direct its foreign policy towards Western Europe or intensify the collaboration within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Since the Ukraine has perceived itself as a geographical, cultural and historical part of Europe almost from the first days of independence she has undertaken to become permanently rooted in the family of European states. It was a consequence of the policy directed towardsWestern Europe and the United States that Kiev declared its readiness to become a rightful member of the European Union and NATO. Ukraine has combined her efforts to integrate with both these bodies, which is illustrated in the activity of Kiev that treats both these directions as the complementary elements of a single strategy and orientation towards the West. ; Ukraine, which has been a sovereign state since 1991, is facing a dilemma whether it should direct its foreign policy towards Western Europe or intensify the collaboration within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Since the Ukraine has perceived itself as a geographical, cultural and historical part of Europe almost from the first days of independence she has undertaken to become permanently rooted in the family of European states. It was a consequence of the policy directed towardsWestern Europe and the United States that Kiev declared its readiness to become a rightful member of the European Union and NATO. Ukraine has combined her efforts to integrate with both these bodies, which is illustrated in the activity of Kiev that treats both these directions as the complementary elements of a single strategy and orientation towards the West.

Peace and Security Council 97th Meeting 25 October 2007 Addis Ababa, Ethiopie ; Conseil De Paix Et De Securite 97eme Reunion 25 Octobre 2007 Addis Abeba, Ethiopie ; السلام و97 مجلس الأمن اجتماع 25 أكتوبر 2007 أديس أبابا، Ethiopie ; Paz e do Conselho de Segurança 97a Reunião 25 out 2007 Addis Abeba, Ethiopie