Suchergebnisse

Existing research on the relationship between work and identity under conditions of increasing work flexibility has provided equivocal results on the threats and challenges for personal identity development within less continuous professional careers. New types of employment-related behaviour have been demanded, such as self-control, self-economisation, and self-rationalisation contained in the concept of "entreployee", in order to conform to requirements stemming from less stable, but also more autonomy-oriented, employment relationships. Some evidence for this new type of employee behaviour has been found, with questions arising about positive and negative effects for the individual having to handle employment risk more, while at the same time also being able to more autonomously organize work and life. Similarly, research on psychological contracts - as direct expression of the reciprocal expectations and obligations by employee and employer - in firms with high work flexibility has shown that employees only partially can gain from offers of competence development and delegation of responsibilities for their own personal development in compensation for increased job insecurity. Interestingly, it seems that those employees can gain more who conform to a traditional, i.e. very continuous, model of work biography and identity. This seeming inconsistency motivates the proposed study, in which hypotheses about different fits between more and less fluid identities in more and less traditional work settings will be explored in a longitudinal investigation. Also, individuals with a higher vs. lower level of personal resources in term of socio-economic status and qualification will be included in the sample in order to further test the assumption that work flexibility might mainly bear opportunities for those with high levels of personal resources for coping with instability and employment risk. A sample of about 250 individuals, equally distributed across these three factors (continuity-oriented vs. non-continuity-oriented identity; employment in one organization with medium to high level of flexibility vs. patchwork employment; low socio-economic status/very little formal vocational training vs. medium socio-economic status/formal vocation or professional training) will be studied in three waves by means of a questionnaire comprising questions on personal identity (biographical continuity, ecological consistency, control orientation, self-esteem), work biography, competence development, and psychological contract. The questions on personal identity will be used to assign the individuals to the two identity types "continuity-oriented" vs. "non-continuity-oriented", which are based on previous own research. Additionally, background information on the organizations, in which the individuals are employed, will be collected in order to determine the degree of flexibility, elements of the psychological contract from the employer's perspective, and measures for competence development undertaken in the companies. The longitudinal approach will permit to form and test predictions about coping patterns by different groups in the sample in view of demands arising from work flexibility, leading to a better understanding of personal, organizational and societal prerequisites for a sound personal identity development.

The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries.
The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.

The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries.
The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.

The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries.
The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.

The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), headquartered in the Dutch capital of Amsterdam, was founded in 1959 and has since carried out a number of internationally comparative educational research projects. At the 1994 General Assembly, it was decided to launch a study in the field of political education at school. The IEA had already tackled this topic earlier. However, the end of the Cold War and the resulting democratization processes in different countries made it seem appropriate and desirable to update knowledge about the problems, methods, possibilities and limitations of civic education. The Department of Education of the University of Freiburg was in charge of the participation of Switzerland. A first publication with the results from the first phase of the project appeared in 1999, in the form of a volume based on case studies describing the situation of civic education in 24 countries, i.e. the majority of the 28 participating countries.
The results of these case studies were used to prepare Phase 2, which was empirically oriented. Specifically, it focused on a test to assess the civic knowledge of fourteen-year-olds and a survey of their attitudes and behavior. The sample size was around 3,000 per country (3104 in Switzerland). In total, about 90,000 young people took part in the study in this way, as well as their teachers, who were asked about their goals, methods, difficulties, priorities, etc. The publication with the results of the empirical part provides extensive information about what the young people at the end of the 90s know about the democratic processes and institutions and what they think about it. The results tend to suggest that civic education is more or less the same everywhere. Should we therefore highlight the multiplicity of situations? Certain things seem to be constant across large geographic regions. For example, civic education is too often limited to imparting knowledge from the top down, while the encouragement of critical thinking and political commitment is neglected. At least the teachers seem to thnik this way and also claim to regret this fact. Another common deficit is found in the treatment of economic issues, which leads to political issues being often treat in a abstract context.

Baccalaureate education was reformed upon introduction of the Federal Council's Ordinance on Recognition of Baccalaureate (MAV) and the identical Regulation on Recognition of Baccalaureate (MAR) issued by the Conference of Cantonal Ministers of Education (EDK) in 1995. This reform was evaluated in two stages in the EVAMAR project on behalf of the Confederation and the cantons. EVAMAR I (2002-2004) evaluated the extent of implementation of the Baccalaureate reform in the cantons and Baccalaureate schools. In 2007, its findings were incorporated into the partial revision of the Regulation on Recognition of Baccalaureate . This revision contains, among others, an increase in the importance of natural sciences and of the Baccalaureate essay.