Suchergebnisse

Analysis of Alternatives of Old-Age Pension System: Lithuania's Case The problem of the research – demographic and social challenges are the cause of necessity to improve Old-Age Pension System and alternative analysis of complex old-age pension system is not carried out. Therefore, the goal of the paper is to accomplish the analysis of complex Lithuanian's old-age pension system. Essential social and demographic reasons are the main cause to accomplish this analysis: the average pension is less than the poverty level in the country and in 2015-2040 the number of pensioners will grow from 19 to 32 per cent of the population as a whole. Also, the pension system is changed on average every five years. Although it is possible to find the analyses carried out in pension reforms which usually place limits on assessment of State Social Insurance Fund and the second pillar of the pension system and an alternative analysis of pension system; however, there is no complex analysis which would be carried out according operalisational criteria. The problem raised by study has been dealt with on the basis of the public policy analysis method. Six alternatives are brought out in this paper: changing the pensions system setting – indexation, conditions for participation in the second pillar pension adjustment, a new pension scheme based on National Defined Contribution account (NDC) and according to the pension reform which was carried out by the XVII Government. Assessment of Old-age pension system alternatives has been carried out on the basis of three criteria: adequacy, sustainability and actuarial justice. The adequacy criteria have been set like the ratio of the country's average old-age pension and wage. Sustainability criteria evaluates the status of the old-age pension budget and the balance of the budget in previous years. Actuarial justice counted like the ratio how much is social insurance contribution which returns over pension benefits. Analysis is carried out by developing alternative models and calculation of criteria on the basis of a programming language R, mathematics and forecasting the financial year 2018-2060. An essential assumption is the population prognosis, which is prepared by Eurostat. The analysis of Lithuania's old-age pension system shows that one of the best status quo alternatives is pension system based on NDC account. Compared to other alternatives this system determines the best actuarial justice. Also, the system is sustainable, because the ability to respond flexibly to economic and demographic changes. Adequacy of the NDC system is moderate in comparison to other systems. However, improvements can be made by changing the formula for calculating the amount of pension in this work. According to the findings of the analysis the establishment of NDC account could become the object of public policy agenda. The pension reform, which was suggested by the XVII Government, does not make a big influence on the criteria of adequacy and actuarial justice in comparison to status quo. So, basically, the suggested reform will not solve the issue of the small pensions or effective involvement in the second pillar of the pension system. On the other hand, there is a risk, in respect of sustainability. The differences between the alternative, whether or not containing in the second pillar, it can be seen that in those systems that contain the accumulation the adequacy and actuarial justice is greater than in the case when there is no any accumulation. However, the sustainability criteria are better in places where there are not the second pension pillar. The results of the work show that in case of voluntary accumulation, like in alternative of status quo, the sustainability of the old-age pension can be accessed. Also, the indexation changes have different effects on the sustainability and adequacy criteria. The choice of the indexation coefficient should be linked to the duration of the impact

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Compassion in International Relations: The Case Study of Armenian Genocide Recognition Not all decisions in international politics can be explained by power and interest, as realists would suggest. Constructivists claim identity plays an important role for interaction of countries and nations. Some nations decide to choose the most painful part of their history and are building their special identity – victim identity. In first part of this paper the concept of identity, especially victim identity, is analyzed. Then two competing identities are analyzed – Armenian victim identity and Turkish "denial identity". Reasons for selection of these particular identities, ways of promotion and making it priority of foreign policy agenda are discussed in second and third parts of this paper. Special identity can generate soft power in international politics only in case if it is recognized by other countries. Therefore, Armenia listed recognition of the Armenian Genocide in top priorities list of Foreign Policy. Although right after becoming the independent country, first Armenian President was trying to be "rational" and was refusing claims of recognition by Turkey in order to assure good relationship, victimhood was deep in identity of Armenian society and diaspora, therefore, such foreign policy was not widely accepted. So later Armenian policy makers were making sure not to repeat this mistake and were giving to recignition of genocide a very special place in Armenian Foreign Policy. State coordinated campaigns and civic initiatives have increased public awareness about the issue, and so far, 28 countries recognized Armenian genocide. By recognizing Armenian identity, they denied competing Turkish identity (claiming not being responsible for Armenian genocide), which is being promoted with the same amount of efforts. This paper tries to find an answer: what kind of power leads the decision of other countries choosing to support small, not strategically important country and take risk to anger much powerful actor of international affairs? In case of Germany, it had even more to lose: good bilateral relationship with Turkey and, even more important, strategically important alley in high peak of refugee crisis in Europe. But regardless that, German Bundestag nearly unanimously voted for recognition of Armenian genocide in June 2016. In most cases it is difficult to evaluate direct effect of soft power and prove its effect to implementation of foreign policy goals, therefore it is the most criticised aspect of soft power theory. In this case we can see how the decision by Armenia to choose victim identity and constantly promote it is being converted into soft power and push into political agenda of other country activities that are important and useful for Armenian Foreign Policy goals. Analysis of rhetoric of dedicated political activist Erika Steinbach, strategical documents and arguments of Bundestag members before final vote that led to recognition of Armenian genocide reveals that one of the leading arguments for decision was compassion. Members of Bundestag stressed the importance of recognition as a way to express their compassion to grievance of Armenian people, to share responsibility for mediation of bilateral relationship, and to share the burden of guilt – for not preventing Armenian genocide as former ally of Ottoman Empire. Armenian themselves and many human right advocates all around the world stress the importance of recognition of genocide in order to prevent it in the future. They say would be needed to disclose all the cruelty of humanity in the past in order to ensure any early warning sign would be met with highest concern and world society wouldn't observing just observing. And, finally, would fulfil the promise humanity gave after the Holocaust, most recognized genocide off all times, –– newer again.

In November 2003 the ex-soviet state of Georgia experienced a change of incumbents, which was famously dubbed "Rose revolution". This event propelled to power a group of pro-western politicians, led by a young, charismatic leader Mikhail Saakashvili. So-called Rose revolution marked a begining of new chapter in Georgia-Russia relations. As soon as he became president, Saakashvili declared that his main aim was to seek Georgia's eventual accesion to European Union and NATO. This announcement was met in Moscow with clear irritation. In 2006 Georgia became the target of comprehensive Russian economic sanctions. These sanctions inflicted considerable damage on Georgian economy. Moreover, in the summer of 2008 a brief military conflict erupted between Tbilisi and Moscow. The conflict ended badly for Georgians. Soon, the diplomatic relations between Georgia and Russia were severed. It looked like Tbilisi-Moscow relations had reached a definitive dead end with neither of the two neighboring countries seeking to normalize the evidently strained relationship. However, in 2012 and 2013 Georgian elections Saakashvili's party was soundly defeated by an upstart political movement "Georgian Dream", led by billionaire who made his fortune in Russia, Bidzina Ivanishvili. One of the key reasons of Ivanishvili's electoral success was poor economic situation in Georgia largely due to Russian sanctions. During his campaign, he constantly spoke about the need to improve relations with Kremlin. This slogan was met rather positively among Georgian population. This thesis attempts to solve an interesting paradox. While economic sanctions theories claim that external economic pressure frequently encourages sanctioned populations to rally around the flag, it was the opposite scenario in Georgia. Incumbents led by Mikhail Saakashvili essentialy lost voters' trust and were driven from office through electoral means. The goal of this thesis is to investigate, why Saakashvili-led political powers lost the support of the Georgian people, although theoretically that same population should have been determined to support its regime during the latter's efforts to defy economic pressure. In order to achieve the aforementioned goal, three tasks are set in this thesis. First, to analize thoroughly the influence of Moscow's economic pressure on the Georgian economy as a whole. Second, to study the results of the Georgian public opinion polls, conducted in the space of 2006 – 2013. Third, to determine which other factors besides Russian sanctions may have had impact on the change of governing powers in Georgia. Previous research on economic sanctions has identified one important aspect about their presumable success. It concerns the role of target regime type. There appears to be a clear difference between the political impact of sanctions on democratic regimes and the political impact of sanctions on autocracies. Many scholars argue that democratic incumbents may be considerably more vulnerable to external economic pressure than authoritarian incumbents. This assumption occupies a significant place in this thesis. The main conclusions of this thesis suggest that Russian sanctions dealt a particularly strong blow to Georgia's agricultural sector, which at the time still occupied a large share of country's economy. Sanctions imposed by Moscow effectively increased levels of unemployment and poverty among Georgian society. This was due to the fact that the aforementioned agricultural sector in 2006 was essentially the main provider of jobs to Georgian citizens. With the lucrative Russian market suddenly closed to Georgian production, the future prospects for many of these citizens did not look bright. This inevitably fueled popular dissatisfaction among Georgian people. It eventually broke out during the 2012-13 elections, when incumbents associated closely with Saakashvili lost in a landslide to a newly formed coalition "Georgian Dream".

Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.

This paper analyses how events in 2014 Ukraine changed Lithuania's national defence policy. It defines factors such as Russia and NATO, that lead Lithuania to turn back on reinforcement of territorial defence and also has indicated how those changes modified international military commitments. Main question is: does Lithuania balance between international commitments and needs? Analysing few things: first, Russian foreign policy and threats that it creates; second, threat assessment reports by Lithuania's intelligence services; third, changes in Lithuania's military strategy; and finaly – NATO transformation, have shown that Lithuania did not turn away from international military commitment. Vice versa – Lithuania increased multilateral and bilateral cooperation. Support from allies is perceived as main security guarantee. But by changing national defence policy Lithuania has faced new threats that requires modern improvement. Lithuania does not balance between international commitments and territorial defence. Lithuania balances between threats by deciding how to prioritize them.

This Master Thesis aims to take a closer look at peacebuilding processes regarding women during post-conflict period in Iraq and Afghanistan. Both of these countries are Muslim, belong to the same Middle East region and have endured long years of conflict which affected the society. After the intervention of USA together with coalition countries the conflicts have been stopped and the new government structure has been established. International community was encouraging the inclusion of all social groups in post-conflict processes, however women remained a marginalized part of the society who are denied access to various resources or power structures. Therefore, sustainable peace cannot be achieved. The main question raised in this thesis – in which country during the defined period – Afghanistan or Iraq, sustainable peace was achieved more successful from the women point of view? In order to create a research model Johan Gatling's peace theory has been combined with critical feminism notions. Using the created research model the post-conflict period is analyzed through gender lens because women remain marginalized and excluded from peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan and Iraq. Main variables that are used to evaluate and determine a more successful peacebuilding case regarding women focus on structural and cultural violence. Direct violence is not analyzed because direct violence is considered to be stopped and negative peace is achieved. Structural violence is analyzed and evaluated through positioning women in private or public spheres, poverty rate, access to education, the empowerment of women organizations, the participation of women in political processes. Meanwhile, the aspects of cultural violence are evaluated through cultural and religious gender norms regarding women. These variables help to evaluate Iraq and Afghanistan post-conflict period and determine a more successful peacebuilding case. The main finding was that peacebuilding regarding women in post-conflict period of 2001-2016 has been more successful in Iraq than in Afghanistan. This conclusion has been reached because in Iraq women had better possibilities to combine responsibilities to family and work and that let to enter labor market easier, the poverty rate is also lower that way there are more jobs for women and women are allowed to participate in public affairs, accessibility and quality of education is better in Iraq compared to Afghanistan. Regarding cultural violence, the analyzed fertility rate and sharia law showed that women in Iraq are not so strongly limited to the gender roles of "mother "or "wife "compared to Afghanistan. It is important to mention that analyses discovered that political women participation is better in Afghanistan compared to Iraq and the situation of women organizations were similar. However, even with better political participation of women Afghanistan was lacking in other aspects and it was not enough in order to create a sustainable peace regarding women. It can be stated that in order to establish a sustainable or as Galtung calls it positive peace, women must be empowered in all aspects of life. The creation of sustainable peace and problems that it is facing are complex, therefore it calls for complex measures. There is still a lot of room for research regarding this field of study. The area of research is wide and different aspects of peacebuilding regarding women could be analyzed. The process of peacebuilding in Iraq and Afghanistan is also ever-changing therefore the later periods could be researched. Also women are not the only marginalized group in the analyzed societies so the same field of study could be analyzed from different perspectives.

Wisdom has always been one of the main human aspirations and its importance has been encoded in language since ancient Greece. With reference to the theoretical presumptions and methods of Lublin cognitive ethnolinguistics, this master's thesis aims to explore wisdom and its perception, worldview, evaluation, and its place in the set of moral values and virtues appreciated by the Lithuanian nation. The main part of this thesis consists of a concept analysis which is structured in three parts. The first part is an investigation of data from dictionaries. It reflects the given definitions and examples of the word wisdom and its derivatives in contemporary Lithuanian dictionaries, synonymic and antonymic relations, phraseology, and etymology. The second part opposes the first in the sense that it analyzes data from a students' survey and represents the contemporaryperception of wisdom of a young person from Lithuania. The third part contains an analysis of data from six different discourses: philosophical, political, religious, social, publicistic, and literary. It shows similarities and differences between main elements of wisdom exposed in various discourses. Finally, based on the material collected, the cognitive definition is formulated. It reflects the actual perception of wisdom in Lithuanian's mind, together with its importance, development, and coherence to other values and virtues.

Problems of Collective Investment Subjects Undertaking Taxation in Lithuania Collective investment subjects are investment funds or investment companies that belong to multiple investors, offering their own shares and investment units in a public manner and that are managed by licensed management company. The main objective of such subjects is to accumulate funds from individuals and collectively invest them in order to obtain financial benefits. This master's paper consists of two parts. The first part of the work deals with collective investment, concepts of investment, collective investment and collective investment subjects. Also the types of collective investment subjects are discussed and the types of objects they can invest to are presented. In order to clarify the concept of investment, the investment process and the most popular investment methods are analyzed. Collective investment subjects are discussed within the range of The Republic of Lithuania Law on Collective Investment Subjects. The second part of the work deals with taxation, discusses the nuances and emerging issues related to taxation of collective investment subjects. Separate taxes established in the Republic of Lithuania, namely, profit tax, value added tax, land tax and real estate tax are analyzed. Taxation is presented in the analysis of the legislation governing these taxes. In examining each tax chosen, the aim is to discuss the development of the norms of the tax law related to the subject of this master's paper and to compare the current norms with the taxation applied in Latvia and Estonia.

Every state provides specific services to the society, for this reason state needs funds that are collected from the society on tax basis. To provide public services for the lowest price, it is necessary to ensure suitable system of measures ensuring the effectiveness of public expenditure. The thesis analyses the process of budget expenditure planning, the importance of involved subjects, also describes the essence of strategic planning documents as the base for program budget, focusing on priorities of Government activity, which, as it turned out during thesis writing process, was changes to program implementation plan of Government. Thesis also investigates the role of appropriations managers in ensuring effectiveness of public expenditure. It is revealed that legal regulation imposes an obligation for appropriations managers to use public funds efficiently and purposefully but improper regulation does not stop appropriations managers from abusing their positions, that is why the suggestion how to solve this problem is given in the thesis. The thesis reviews the role of National audit office, as the supreme audit institution, in ensuring the effectiveness of public expenditure. National audit office is one the main institutions that ensure informing the society about the state budget. Whereas Republic of Lithuania is a democratic republic, information about usage of tax payers money has to be accessible to the society. The problem is that Lithuanian society does not want to be interested in budget, that is why National audit office has got one more obligation – to make Lithuanian society interested and to make them participate in process of budgeting and control. By measures ensuring the effectiveness of public expenditure must be strive for achieving results for as low amount of public expenditure as it possible. The thesis discloses that annual review of public expenditure is necessary to improve spending efficiency and it is import to create an appropriate system for measuring results.

In this master thesis examines of the flight distance increasing cases for remotely controlled aircraft. Unmanned aerial vehicles are currently undergoing rapid development, they are widely used not only in the military tasks but also in the civilian sector, but their uses are limited by short control distances affected by natural and environmental conditions and inadequately selected wireless parameters. We are faced with radio transmission issues for the aforementioned reasons. During the investigation analyzes how to increase the flight distance by upgrading the ground control station without changing the parameters of the remotely controlled aircraft. By the research has been developed the algorithm for the maximizing flight distance. With specialized radio frequency planning software, "EDX Signal ProTM", has been performed experimental measurements which calculates the received signal level and link availability. For the verify of the algorithm operational has been made a real field investigation which calculate the distances between ground control station and remotely controlled aircraft. Experimental studies confirmed the operation of the algorithm. For the verification of the official manufacturer parameters of the remotely controlled aircraft and ground control station parameters have been also checked. After the improvement of the civilian remotely controlled aircraft system, has been established that without additional investment, can be them adapted for military intelligence purposes which does not require large operational capabilities of the aircraft, application systems, additional signal coding algorithms and other security parameters.

Taxation of attorney's practice forms in Lithuania – a topic that has not yet been examined in the Lithuanian scientific area. Therefore, this paper reveals the main aspects of the taxation of attorney's practice forms. Taking into account frequent changes in tax legislation, the paper analyzes the latest nuances of taxation of attorney's practice forms. The aim of the Master's thesis is to analize the legal regulation of taxation of attorney's practice forms in Lithuania, Poland and Russia, and to reveal the aspects of taxation of attorney's practice forms in these countries with regard to personal income tax, corporate income tax and value added tax, focusing in particular on Lithuanian legal regulation. To achieve this aim, three tasks are distinguished: 1) to characterize the attorney's practice forms in Lithuania, Poland and Russia, and to examine the issue of what kind of attorney's practice forms with regard to which taxes are considered as tax payers and which are not, and instead of this, as tax payers are considered specific attorneys who chose these attorney's practice forms; 2) to analyze the aspects of the taxation of attorney's practice forms, acting individually and on a partnership basis, without establishing a legal person, by comparative aspect analyzing the existing tax regime with regard to the personal income tax and value added tax in Lithuania, Poland and Russia for the attorneys operating in these forms; 3) to reveal the aspects of the taxation of attorney's practice forms acting on the basis of a partnership with the establishment of a legal person, comparing the taxation regime applicable to these attorney's practice forms with the corporation tax, value added tax and the taxation regime of the attorneys – participants of these practice forms with regard to the personal income tax in Lithuania and Russia. Thus, the object of this Master's thesis is the analysis of the legal regulation of taxation of attorney's practice forms in Lithuania with regard to the personal income tax, corporate income tax and value added tax in Lithuania, while also using a comparative aspect with Poland and Russia. It should be noted that the paper is limited to the taxation of attorneys themselves, without analyzing the aspects of the taxation of attorneys' assistants and employees. Comparative, historical and logical research methods were used in this paper.

The Law of armed conflict is based upon balance of military necessity and humanitarian values. The foundation of this law is the principle of distinction, that is a principle of customary law and ensures a difference between legal military targets and people that must be protected from direct attacks. Due to the rise of involvement of civilians, enforcing the principle of distinction has become more difficult, yet it is essential to determine the status of armed conflict parties to ensure effective application of humanitarian law. The principle of distinction depends on how we qualify the conflict at hand. International humanitarian law defines two types of armed conflict: international and non-international armed conflict. In the context of Ukraine, there exists both of these conflicts in parallel to one another, which causes additional problems in applying the principle of distinction. Volunteer battalions in Ukraine do not fit into the traiditonal definition of armed conflict parties, however their contribution to the conflict is extremely valuable. This thesis is meant to uncover underlying problems of international humanitarian law by examining the rights of volunteers and legal acts that regulate them in the context of distinction. By analysing scientific research as well as sources of law, conclusions were reached that not integrating the volunteers into regular armed forces of Ukraine creates a double status problem, which undermines the goals of humanitarian law by aggravating the application of the principle of distinction. Therefore, Ukraine must be held responsible for setting the legal status of volunteers, fighting alongside the armed forces,and ensuring compliance with international obligations.

The European Union General Data Protection Regulation as a Legal Source of Data Protection Law

Robbery is one of the most dangerous criminal offences, because it encroaches on the fundamental values protected by criminal law − personal property, health and freedom. The dangerousness of this crime relates to a violent attempt against another person's property. Not only that is one of the most dangerous but also one of the most often committed criminal offences against property and, as a result, robbery cases constitute the highest workload for courts. The adoption of the 2000 Criminal Code of the Republic of Lithuania established new elements of the crime of robbery. Important changes were introduced in the principal attributes of the elements of robbery, the qualified elements of robbery were also revised. A substantial change was made in the attribute 'way of commission of robbery', which also predetermined a different assessment of offence completion; an entirely different system for grouping the qualifying attributes was created, introducing the qualifying attributes that had not been applied until that time, etc. Thus, the legislation brought about a new challenge in the interpretation of robbery elements and application of the criminal law, and the set objectives have been pursued for more than a decade already. With the new content of the robbery elements established in the criminal law, the case law of cassation has been developed since the entry into force of the 2000 CC that laid down the foundations for proper application of the law and for the development of the concept of the said crime, however, there was, in principle, no consistent research on this topic. In response to these challenges, the dissertation includes a complex study of the elements of robbery.