Stimate doamne şi stimaţi domni, În Germania există anumite moduri de comportament şi reguli pentru chiriaşi, pe care aceştia trebuie să le respecte. Acest ghid conţine indicaţii şi explicaţii menite să vă faciliteze crearea unei priviri de ansamblu. Dacă sunteţi în căutare de ajutor şi sprijin pe această temă, la ultima pagină a acestui ghid puteţi găsi o listă în care sunt menţionate adresele persoanelor de contact, respectiv ale centrelor de consiliere
One of the essential objectives of this work is to change the optical approach of the local power phenomenon, opting for the approach of the territorial organization of local power from the perspective of the realities of the contemporary world. Within the thematic framework of the paper, I have pursued that the territorial organization of local power to be treated from the perspective of political and administrative sciences, referring to the Moldovan realities, but also to the influences of the integration in the European space. In order to solve the theoretical and practical problems related to the efficient territorial organization of the public power, I have used the paradigm of the territorial organization of the public power as the basis of the phenomenon investigation. The key idea of the paradigm is that the phenomenon of public power in the contemporary democratic state must be tackled not only in relation to the state but more broadly in the aspect of the existence of both the public power of the people and the existence and functioning of the local collectivities' public power as a power that has the same social nature but is different as form and content from the state one. These communities have their own public power, based on two essential elements: the local population and the local electoral system through which its representative bodies (decision-making and executive) are elected. The chapters of the papers imply complex researches regarding the territorial organization of the local power, in the idea that they would allow to identify a model of territorial organization of the local power in terms of the interests and needs of local collectivities in the Republic of Moldova. The final objective of the paper was to develop a theoretical vision of the reform of the territorial organization system of local power in accordance with the new realities and that would meet the political, social and economic challenges facing the Republic of Moldova. Reforming the territorial organization of the local public power on the basis of the recommendations made in the paper will help to overcome the negative tendencies that occur in the processes taking place in the society. Searching solutions to solve or identifying possible ways to resolve a problem does not necessarily mean finding an undoubtedly mean to solve the problem or a definite answer to the existing issue. In many cases, scientific researches does not put the end point in a scientific dispute or in a contradictory approach of a phenomenon, they only develop it, broaden the knowledge space and update it, providing research space to other researchers concerned about that issues and opportunities of choice and documentation for political decision-makers.
The research manager – prof., Dr. Dalia Sekmokienė. This work was completed in 2018. In Kaunas. Thesis consist of: 51 p. Number of pictures at work - 20 pcs. Number of tables at work - 8. Number of annexes at work - 2 pc. The aim of the research: To create the technology of production of buttermilk cheese and to create the most suitable type of cheese. Research tasks: 1. The literature on the use of buttermilk in practice, their usefulness for health and annexes thereto review. 2. Create a technology for the production of buttermilk cheeses, using a variety of plant-based ingredients, of health properties. 3. Perform produced buttermilk cheese composition studies. 4. Perform buttermilk cheese admissibility sensory descriptive - the profile analysis and sensory analysis. 5. Set the energy value of the buttermilk cheese. 6. Perform a survey of buttermilk and products. Research of process and results: during the work, 3 masses were chosen for the production of cheese and made cheeses, namely: natural, not sour buttermilk cheese, not sour buttermilk with whey cheese and sour buttermilk cheese. The production of these cheeses has resulted in the use of a new innovative technology, which allows the maximum use, concentrating of dry matter of buttermilk and added ingredients. An analysis of the composition of these buttermilk cheeses was also carried out. After the first acceptance of these cheeses, I found the most suitable raw material for production of buttermilk cheeses. Further, after a comprehensive scientific review of the ingredients I chose ingredients: cardamom, garlic granules, dried cranberries, turmeric, dried plums, baked peanuts. They were enriched with buttermilk cheeses. The aim was to create the most suitable type of buttermilk cheeses. Three different sensory studies were performed: Sensory analysis, admissibility and sensory descriptive-profile analysis. Following these studies, the three most suitable buttermilk cheeses were selected: buttermilk with peanuts, buttermilk with dried plums, buttermilk with cranberries. Three different sensory studies were performed: Sensory analysis, admissibility and sensory descriptive-profile analysis. Following these studies, the three most suitable buttermilk cheeses were selected: buttermilk with peanuts, buttermilk with dried plums, buttermilk with cranberries. Also, in order to better understand the changing properties of cheese with the addition of various additives, natural not sour buttermilk cheese was also taken. Subsequently, a consumer survey was conducted to find out what knowledge consumers and consumers have about knitting needles and their products. The results showed that the new technology enabled the production of cheeses of a completely new type that is not on the European Union market, retaining the main bioactive components of buttermilk, concentrating their phospholipids, and enriched with other flavor enhancers or bioactive components. The dry matter of these cheeses is as follows: not sour buttermilk cheese, 44.21% of not sour buttermilk with whey cheese 55.53%, sour buttermilk cheese 51.36%, among them the highest protein contains sour buttermilk cheese 30.34% of the protein, the highest lipids content is ot sour buttermilk with whey cheese 13,56% (buttermilk lipids, which are especially useful for human health phospholipids) and the highest carbohydrate content is in not sour buttermilk cheese 21,55% carbohydrates. The sensory quality of the cheeses was acceptable to the consumers and not sour buttermilk cheese 6.5 p <0.001 not sour buttermilk with whey cheese was 5.69 p <0.001 and sour buttermilk cheese reached 4.69 p <0.001 points.
The modeling augmentation barriers of Lithuania pre-school education organization are being explored in given masters thesis. Dissertation's structure is being constructed on a basis of scientific literature and empirical study aimed at determination of pre-school education's modeling barriers and factors causing them in Lithuania. In a purpose to achieve the goal the tasks are being raised: disclosure of diversity change to pre-school educational organization models; identification of barriers to the diversity of pre-school education models; clarification of all the factors determining the implementation of pre-school education organization models. Assessment of the factors hindering the distribution of pre-school education organization models in Lithuania. In the first part of the work, the system of pre-school education in the context of educational reforms, occurences and challenges of educational changes, emergence of educational strategies, types of preschool education institutions, educational organization models and economic, political, social, cultural, educational factors determining the barriers to the development of innovative education modeling are defined fairly consistently. The mixed-type empirical research is thoroughly examined in the second part of thesis. The empirical research methodology was developed by combining quantitative and qualitative research methods. The study applied data analysis and quantitative data collection methods.In the second phase of the study, a qualitative study was selected using an individual deep conversation method. An attempt has been made to explain what factors determine the fact, that implementation of pre-school education modeling meets the barriers. The results of the research show that emergence of Lithianian educational institutions based on innovative educational principles expands the variety of models of pre-school education organization, but in reality institutions encounter various difficulties and obstacles to implementation. In conclusion, it can be said that there is a lot of barriers that hinder the diversification of pre-school education modeling.
Healthcare governance has introduced new organizational requirements for social responsibility, not only for the quality and efficiency of the institutions but also for the organization's behavior and employee's thinking, their motivations and expectations, shaping new values and beliefs, understanding organizational culture as a whole traditions, cultural self-awareness, organization and employee aspirations over the last five years. It requires the development of a multidimensional organization development direction, an organization's strategic approach to the formation of its culture and its interaction with an outside institutional environment. Heads of health care institutions and top managers need to develop and develop their organizational skills, improve their administrative practices, and systematically analyze their needs. Lithuania's integration into the European Economic Area determines both the development of new technologies, higher quality standards for health services and the need for medical professionals to compete with Western European service providers. It is a multidisciplinary process that creates new challenges for the country.
The article discloses the most striking breaches of the constitutional requirements; these are the constitutional doctrine requirements to be met by the penal legislation. While working on the article, the authors analyzed some legal acts adopted by the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania and signed into law by the President of the Republic as of the year 2009. In the authors' opinion, in case of the penal legislation, the most often breached requirements are the ones deriving from the principle of the rule of law, such as: legal acts shall be clearly understandable so that the subjects of legal relationship are able to understand what requirements they have to meet according to the law; legal rules shall be stable and ensure legal certainty as well as predictability of legal decisions; the force of legal acts shall be directed to the future; the principle of equality shall be respected and the court shall have a possibility to personalize a sentence or penalty in every individual case, etc. In addition, the article provides insight into some objective and subjective factors which cause essential insufficiencies in penal legislation and considers possibilities of improving the quality of penal legal acts.
Analysis of Alternatives of Old-Age Pension System: Lithuania's Case The problem of the research – demographic and social challenges are the cause of necessity to improve Old-Age Pension System and alternative analysis of complex old-age pension system is not carried out. Therefore, the goal of the paper is to accomplish the analysis of complex Lithuanian's old-age pension system. Essential social and demographic reasons are the main cause to accomplish this analysis: the average pension is less than the poverty level in the country and in 2015-2040 the number of pensioners will grow from 19 to 32 per cent of the population as a whole. Also, the pension system is changed on average every five years. Although it is possible to find the analyses carried out in pension reforms which usually place limits on assessment of State Social Insurance Fund and the second pillar of the pension system and an alternative analysis of pension system; however, there is no complex analysis which would be carried out according operalisational criteria. The problem raised by study has been dealt with on the basis of the public policy analysis method. Six alternatives are brought out in this paper: changing the pensions system setting – indexation, conditions for participation in the second pillar pension adjustment, a new pension scheme based on National Defined Contribution account (NDC) and according to the pension reform which was carried out by the XVII Government. Assessment of Old-age pension system alternatives has been carried out on the basis of three criteria: adequacy, sustainability and actuarial justice. The adequacy criteria have been set like the ratio of the country's average old-age pension and wage. Sustainability criteria evaluates the status of the old-age pension budget and the balance of the budget in previous years. Actuarial justice counted like the ratio how much is social insurance contribution which returns over pension benefits. Analysis is carried out by developing alternative models and calculation of criteria on the basis of a programming language R, mathematics and forecasting the financial year 2018-2060. An essential assumption is the population prognosis, which is prepared by Eurostat. The analysis of Lithuania's old-age pension system shows that one of the best status quo alternatives is pension system based on NDC account. Compared to other alternatives this system determines the best actuarial justice. Also, the system is sustainable, because the ability to respond flexibly to economic and demographic changes. Adequacy of the NDC system is moderate in comparison to other systems. However, improvements can be made by changing the formula for calculating the amount of pension in this work. According to the findings of the analysis the establishment of NDC account could become the object of public policy agenda. The pension reform, which was suggested by the XVII Government, does not make a big influence on the criteria of adequacy and actuarial justice in comparison to status quo. So, basically, the suggested reform will not solve the issue of the small pensions or effective involvement in the second pillar of the pension system. On the other hand, there is a risk, in respect of sustainability. The differences between the alternative, whether or not containing in the second pillar, it can be seen that in those systems that contain the accumulation the adequacy and actuarial justice is greater than in the case when there is no any accumulation. However, the sustainability criteria are better in places where there are not the second pension pillar. The results of the work show that in case of voluntary accumulation, like in alternative of status quo, the sustainability of the old-age pension can be accessed. Also, the indexation changes have different effects on the sustainability and adequacy criteria. The choice of the indexation coefficient should be linked to the duration of the impact
Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.
Compassion in International Relations: The Case Study of Armenian Genocide Recognition Not all decisions in international politics can be explained by power and interest, as realists would suggest. Constructivists claim identity plays an important role for interaction of countries and nations. Some nations decide to choose the most painful part of their history and are building their special identity – victim identity. In first part of this paper the concept of identity, especially victim identity, is analyzed. Then two competing identities are analyzed – Armenian victim identity and Turkish "denial identity". Reasons for selection of these particular identities, ways of promotion and making it priority of foreign policy agenda are discussed in second and third parts of this paper. Special identity can generate soft power in international politics only in case if it is recognized by other countries. Therefore, Armenia listed recognition of the Armenian Genocide in top priorities list of Foreign Policy. Although right after becoming the independent country, first Armenian President was trying to be "rational" and was refusing claims of recognition by Turkey in order to assure good relationship, victimhood was deep in identity of Armenian society and diaspora, therefore, such foreign policy was not widely accepted. So later Armenian policy makers were making sure not to repeat this mistake and were giving to recignition of genocide a very special place in Armenian Foreign Policy. State coordinated campaigns and civic initiatives have increased public awareness about the issue, and so far, 28 countries recognized Armenian genocide. By recognizing Armenian identity, they denied competing Turkish identity (claiming not being responsible for Armenian genocide), which is being promoted with the same amount of efforts. This paper tries to find an answer: what kind of power leads the decision of other countries choosing to support small, not strategically important country and take risk to anger much powerful actor of international affairs? In case of Germany, it had even more to lose: good bilateral relationship with Turkey and, even more important, strategically important alley in high peak of refugee crisis in Europe. But regardless that, German Bundestag nearly unanimously voted for recognition of Armenian genocide in June 2016. In most cases it is difficult to evaluate direct effect of soft power and prove its effect to implementation of foreign policy goals, therefore it is the most criticised aspect of soft power theory. In this case we can see how the decision by Armenia to choose victim identity and constantly promote it is being converted into soft power and push into political agenda of other country activities that are important and useful for Armenian Foreign Policy goals. Analysis of rhetoric of dedicated political activist Erika Steinbach, strategical documents and arguments of Bundestag members before final vote that led to recognition of Armenian genocide reveals that one of the leading arguments for decision was compassion. Members of Bundestag stressed the importance of recognition as a way to express their compassion to grievance of Armenian people, to share responsibility for mediation of bilateral relationship, and to share the burden of guilt – for not preventing Armenian genocide as former ally of Ottoman Empire. Armenian themselves and many human right advocates all around the world stress the importance of recognition of genocide in order to prevent it in the future. They say would be needed to disclose all the cruelty of humanity in the past in order to ensure any early warning sign would be met with highest concern and world society wouldn't observing just observing. And, finally, would fulfil the promise humanity gave after the Holocaust, most recognized genocide off all times, –– newer again.
In November 2003 the ex-soviet state of Georgia experienced a change of incumbents, which was famously dubbed "Rose revolution". This event propelled to power a group of pro-western politicians, led by a young, charismatic leader Mikhail Saakashvili. So-called Rose revolution marked a begining of new chapter in Georgia-Russia relations. As soon as he became president, Saakashvili declared that his main aim was to seek Georgia's eventual accesion to European Union and NATO. This announcement was met in Moscow with clear irritation. In 2006 Georgia became the target of comprehensive Russian economic sanctions. These sanctions inflicted considerable damage on Georgian economy. Moreover, in the summer of 2008 a brief military conflict erupted between Tbilisi and Moscow. The conflict ended badly for Georgians. Soon, the diplomatic relations between Georgia and Russia were severed. It looked like Tbilisi-Moscow relations had reached a definitive dead end with neither of the two neighboring countries seeking to normalize the evidently strained relationship. However, in 2012 and 2013 Georgian elections Saakashvili's party was soundly defeated by an upstart political movement "Georgian Dream", led by billionaire who made his fortune in Russia, Bidzina Ivanishvili. One of the key reasons of Ivanishvili's electoral success was poor economic situation in Georgia largely due to Russian sanctions. During his campaign, he constantly spoke about the need to improve relations with Kremlin. This slogan was met rather positively among Georgian population. This thesis attempts to solve an interesting paradox. While economic sanctions theories claim that external economic pressure frequently encourages sanctioned populations to rally around the flag, it was the opposite scenario in Georgia. Incumbents led by Mikhail Saakashvili essentialy lost voters' trust and were driven from office through electoral means. The goal of this thesis is to investigate, why Saakashvili-led political powers lost the support of the Georgian people, although theoretically that same population should have been determined to support its regime during the latter's efforts to defy economic pressure. In order to achieve the aforementioned goal, three tasks are set in this thesis. First, to analize thoroughly the influence of Moscow's economic pressure on the Georgian economy as a whole. Second, to study the results of the Georgian public opinion polls, conducted in the space of 2006 – 2013. Third, to determine which other factors besides Russian sanctions may have had impact on the change of governing powers in Georgia. Previous research on economic sanctions has identified one important aspect about their presumable success. It concerns the role of target regime type. There appears to be a clear difference between the political impact of sanctions on democratic regimes and the political impact of sanctions on autocracies. Many scholars argue that democratic incumbents may be considerably more vulnerable to external economic pressure than authoritarian incumbents. This assumption occupies a significant place in this thesis. The main conclusions of this thesis suggest that Russian sanctions dealt a particularly strong blow to Georgia's agricultural sector, which at the time still occupied a large share of country's economy. Sanctions imposed by Moscow effectively increased levels of unemployment and poverty among Georgian society. This was due to the fact that the aforementioned agricultural sector in 2006 was essentially the main provider of jobs to Georgian citizens. With the lucrative Russian market suddenly closed to Georgian production, the future prospects for many of these citizens did not look bright. This inevitably fueled popular dissatisfaction among Georgian people. It eventually broke out during the 2012-13 elections, when incumbents associated closely with Saakashvili lost in a landslide to a newly formed coalition "Georgian Dream".
Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.
This paper analyses how events in 2014 Ukraine changed Lithuania's national defence policy. It defines factors such as Russia and NATO, that lead Lithuania to turn back on reinforcement of territorial defence and also has indicated how those changes modified international military commitments. Main question is: does Lithuania balance between international commitments and needs? Analysing few things: first, Russian foreign policy and threats that it creates; second, threat assessment reports by Lithuania's intelligence services; third, changes in Lithuania's military strategy; and finaly – NATO transformation, have shown that Lithuania did not turn away from international military commitment. Vice versa – Lithuania increased multilateral and bilateral cooperation. Support from allies is perceived as main security guarantee. But by changing national defence policy Lithuania has faced new threats that requires modern improvement. Lithuania does not balance between international commitments and territorial defence. Lithuania balances between threats by deciding how to prioritize them.
This Master Thesis aims to take a closer look at peacebuilding processes regarding women during post-conflict period in Iraq and Afghanistan. Both of these countries are Muslim, belong to the same Middle East region and have endured long years of conflict which affected the society. After the intervention of USA together with coalition countries the conflicts have been stopped and the new government structure has been established. International community was encouraging the inclusion of all social groups in post-conflict processes, however women remained a marginalized part of the society who are denied access to various resources or power structures. Therefore, sustainable peace cannot be achieved. The main question raised in this thesis – in which country during the defined period – Afghanistan or Iraq, sustainable peace was achieved more successful from the women point of view? In order to create a research model Johan Gatling's peace theory has been combined with critical feminism notions. Using the created research model the post-conflict period is analyzed through gender lens because women remain marginalized and excluded from peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan and Iraq. Main variables that are used to evaluate and determine a more successful peacebuilding case regarding women focus on structural and cultural violence. Direct violence is not analyzed because direct violence is considered to be stopped and negative peace is achieved. Structural violence is analyzed and evaluated through positioning women in private or public spheres, poverty rate, access to education, the empowerment of women organizations, the participation of women in political processes. Meanwhile, the aspects of cultural violence are evaluated through cultural and religious gender norms regarding women. These variables help to evaluate Iraq and Afghanistan post-conflict period and determine a more successful peacebuilding case. The main finding was that peacebuilding regarding women in post-conflict period of 2001-2016 has been more successful in Iraq than in Afghanistan. This conclusion has been reached because in Iraq women had better possibilities to combine responsibilities to family and work and that let to enter labor market easier, the poverty rate is also lower that way there are more jobs for women and women are allowed to participate in public affairs, accessibility and quality of education is better in Iraq compared to Afghanistan. Regarding cultural violence, the analyzed fertility rate and sharia law showed that women in Iraq are not so strongly limited to the gender roles of "mother "or "wife "compared to Afghanistan. It is important to mention that analyses discovered that political women participation is better in Afghanistan compared to Iraq and the situation of women organizations were similar. However, even with better political participation of women Afghanistan was lacking in other aspects and it was not enough in order to create a sustainable peace regarding women. It can be stated that in order to establish a sustainable or as Galtung calls it positive peace, women must be empowered in all aspects of life. The creation of sustainable peace and problems that it is facing are complex, therefore it calls for complex measures. There is still a lot of room for research regarding this field of study. The area of research is wide and different aspects of peacebuilding regarding women could be analyzed. The process of peacebuilding in Iraq and Afghanistan is also ever-changing therefore the later periods could be researched. Also women are not the only marginalized group in the analyzed societies so the same field of study could be analyzed from different perspectives.
