Suchergebnisse

Polazeći od uverenja da u savremenom svetu postoji izuzetno visok nivo uzajamnezavisnosti država i regiona, odnosno nedeljivost bezbednosti na globalnom nivou,Republika Srbija se u svom delovanju na spoljnopolitičkom planu zalaže za afirmacijukoncepta kooperativne bezbednosti. Smatrajući da se razvijanjem procesa saradnje nabilateralnom i multilateralnom planu može znatno doprineti nacionalnojbezbednosti, zalaže se za jačanje uloge Ujedinjenih nacija kao svetske organizacije,dobijanje statusa članice Evropske unije i aktivno učešće u programu NATO"Partnerstvo za mir", uz stav o neutralnosti zemlje u odnosu na postojeće vojne saveze.Tokom prethodne decenije (naročito poslednjih nekoliko godina) evidentna jeekspanzija u pogledu upotrebe Vojske Srbije u multinacionalnim operacijama. Uzizuzetno povećanje broja angažovanih pripadnika Ministarstva odbrane i Vojske Srbije,proširen je i okvir delovanja – pored misija Ujedinjenih nacija naša zemlja učestvuje iu multinacionalnim operacijama Evropske unije.Kao jedan od osnivača Pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja, u uslovima blokovske podelesveta, Jugoslavija je među članicama Ujedinjenih nacija bila veoma zapažena zbog svogučešća u mirovnim misijama, čime je davala konkretan doprinos očuvanju mira u svetu.U izmenjenim međunarodnim okolnostima nakon "hladnog rata", priroda sukoba u svetuse bitno promenila (sa međudržavnog, težište sukoba je pomereno na nivo unutardržava), a samim tim i način njihovog rešavanja. Nastavljajući tradiciju učešća umirovnim operacijama Ujedinjenih nacija, naša zemlja daje znatan doprinos savremenimmultidimenzionalnim operacijama. ; Starting from the belief that there is a very high level of interdependence betweencountries and regions in the modern world, that is indivisibility of security at a global level, theRepublic of Serbia, acting on its foreign policy plan, advocates affirmation of cooperativesecurity concept. Considering the fact that development of cooperation at a bilateral andmultilateral level can significantly contribute to national security, it advocates strengthening ofthe role of the UN as the world organization, getting the status of the EU member and activeparticipation in the NATO programme "Partnership for Peace", taking into account the opinionon neutrality of the country in relation to the existing military alliances.During the previous decade (particularly the last couple of years) the expansion in termsof the Serbian Armed Forces engagement in multinational operations has been obvious. Inaddition to a significant increase in the number of the engaged Ministry of Defence and SerbianArmed Forces personnel, the engagement framework has been expanded – besides the UNmissions our country participates in the EU multinational operations, as well.As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, in the condition of the worlddivision into blocs, Yugoslavia was rather noticeable among the UN members due to itsparticipation in peacekeeping missions, thus giving a concrete contribution to peacekeeping inthe world. In the changed international circumstances after the Cold War, the nature of conflictsin the world has largely changed (the focus of conflicts has been transferred from intercountry toa level of intracountry conflicts), and the way of their resolution, as well. Following the traditionof participation in the UN peacekeeping operations, our country gives a significant contributionto contemporary multidimensional operations.

Since the end of the 1980s, the intensifying of the politicization process has been one of the important characteristics of the EU integration process. The politicization in the EU is understood as the way of contesting and decision-making on public issues, the way that is opposite to the elitist and technocratic mode of decision-making, typical for the first decades of EU integration. Thus, the politicization, and also the politicization in the EU, is grasped as complementary to the public character of modern politics, especially with democracy. The European union is conceptualized as an extremely compound and non-centralized political system of a non-state type with the elements of consensus democracy and with a deeply segmented society as its basis, divided by national and many transnational lines. Within that society, as well as within its political institutions, the politicization process has been developing which has been influencing the functioning of the system considerably. We explore the experiences of politicization in other compound, consensus democracies in Europe – Belgium and Switzerland – and by comparing the specific cases of politicization, we are searching for the possible specific characteristics of politicization in the EU that stem from its described nature. Also, we are analyzing the possible impact of such politicization on the future of integration and politics in the EU. Although not always contributing to deepening of integration, the politicization in the EU, under specific circumstances, could have a democratizing effect. It serves as the opportunity for stimulating the debates on important issues and articulating the will of the citizens while the adequate forms of participation in the political process are still missing in the EU. In addition, we discuss the potential impact of the politicization of European issues on the gradual creation of the European public sphere or the Europeanisation of the national public spheres, as well as on the Europeanisation of society and emergence of the European political identity among the EU citizens. ; Jedna od značajnijih karakteristika u razvoju evropske integracije od kraja 1980- ih godina jeste intenziviranje procesa politizacije. Politizacija u Evropskoj uniji se razume kao način raspravljanja i odlučivanja o javnim pitanjima suprotan elitističkom i tehnokratskom načinu donošenja odluka, uobičajenom naročito za prve decenije razvoja evropske integracije. Stoga se politizacija, pa i politizacija u Evropskoj uniji, shvata kao komplementarna sa javnim karakterom moderne politike, posebno sa demokratijom. Evropska unija je konceptualizovana kao izrazito složen i necentralizovan politički sistem nedržavnog tipa sa elementima konsensualne demokratije koji za osnovu ima duboko segmentirano društvo, ispresecano osim nacionalnim i mnogim transnacionalnim podelama. Unutar tog društva, kao i unutar političkih institucija, odvija se proces politizacije koja ima značajnog uticaja na funkcionisanje sistema. Rad nastoji da izuči iskustva politizacije drugih složenih, konsensualnih demokratija u Evropi – Belgije i Švajcarske – te poređenjem pojedinih slučajeva politizacije traga za posebnim karakteristikama politizacije u EU koje proističu iz njene opisane prirode, kao i o mogućem uticaju takve politizacije na budućnost integracije i politike u EU. Iako neće uvek doprineti produbljivanju integracije, politizacija u EU pod određenim uslovima može imati demokratizujući uticaj jer predstavlja način da se oživi rasprava o važnim pitanjima i artikuliše volja građana u nedostatku adekvatnih oblika učešća u političkom procesu EU. Dodatno, razmatra se potencijalni uticaj koji politizacija evropskih pitanja može da ima na postepeno kreiranje evropske javne sfere ili evropeizaciju nacionalnih javnih sfera, kao i na evropeizaciju društva i kreiranje evropskog političkog identiteta među građanima Unije.

Предмет рада је утицај миграција из држава западне Азије и северне Африке на Србију, у контексту њене позиције и односа са суседним државама са којима сачињава За- падно-балканску руту, као и са Европском унијом. Циљ рада је сагледавање и анализа утицаја Европске уније на преобликовање поступака и мера спровођених у области управљања миграцијама током трајања мигрантске "кри- зе". Полазећи од теоријског приступа о различитим меха- низмима ширења утицаја ЕУ на државе кандидате, а на основу квалитативне анализе садржаја, основни налази рада упућују на то да кандидатура Србије за чланство у Унији представља важан подстицај за развој националних политика и пракси према мигрантима. Уводни део про- праћен је теоријским разматрањима о дифузији политика и вредности Европске уније. Следе опис и анализа односа Србије са осталим државама Западно-балканске руте и са Европском унијом. ; The paper is focused on migration trends from the MENA region and their impact on Serbia, from the point of view of Serbia's positions and relations with the neighbouring countries along the Western Balkan route, and also with the European Union. Serbia's aspirations towards joining the EU have arguably presented the most important impetus for the development of national policies and practices towards migrants during the migration "crisis". The paper deploys the theoretical framework developed by Tanja A. Börzel and Thomas Risse on mechanisms of diffusion in "usage" by the European Union. The suggested mechanisms of diffusion can be divided in the following way: coercion, manipulation of utility calculations, socialization, persuasion and emulation. The author of the paper scrutinizes each of the mentioned in order to describe and analyze the extent of the transformative power of the European Union regarding Serbia's policies and practices during the migration "crisis". The chapter on theoretical background is followed by chapter on relations between Serbia and neighbouring countries (first of all FYROM, Croatia and Hungary). Not all of them ...

Зборник који је пред читаоцима садржи радове претходно представљене на међународном научном скупу Музички модернизам - нова тумачења који је у организацији Музиколошког института САНУ и одељења ликовне и музичке уметности САНУ одржан у Београду од 11. до 13. октобра 2007. године. Чињеницом да је радни језик скупа био енглески, објашњава се објављивање текстова на том језику (с једним оправданим изузетком). Циљ скупа био је да се подстакну и прикажу нова сагледавања стваралаштва музичког модернизма, сложеног покрета чије је деловање обележило развој музике скоро целог XX века, а првенствено да се на свеж начин протумаче естетичке дилеме и расправе о карактеристикама, смислу и значењу разноврсних и често контрадикторних стремљења у овом раздобљу. Тематски спектар приказаних радова био је изузетно широк: кретао се од преиспитивања музичког модернизма помоћу категорија носталгије и присвајања, преко сагледавања односа центара и периферије, до разматрања сложених веза између модернизма и политике. Као што смо и очекивали, пажња је била усмерена не само на значајне личности и појаве у међународним музичким токовима, већ и на оне у српској музици. Аутори радова нису себи поставили циљ - нити су то могли - да понуде чврсте закључке, дефиниције, класификације. Уместо тога, они су донели вишеслојна и иновативна разматрања ове узбудљиве уметничке епохе окренуте будућности и прогресу, из перспективе XXI века који је остао без многих илузија, неминовно остављајући широк простор за нова тумачења. ; The articles collected in this volume were presented at the conference Rethinking Musical Modernism that took place in Belgrade from 1 1-13 October 2007 and was or ganised by the Institute of Musicology and the Department of Fine Arts and Music of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. The working language of the conference was English which explains the publication of the contributions in that language (with one justifiable exemption). As the title of the conference indicates, the main aim of the organisers was to stimulate novel investigation of musical Modernism. The papers were thus focused on discussions of the ideas, characteristics, and meanings of the diverse and often contra dictory tendencies that existed in that period. The thematic scope of the papers was wide: from new approaches to musical Modernism using the categories of nostalgia and appropriation, and novel observations on the relationship between centres and peripheries, to questioning of the ties between Modernism and politics, the problems of terminology, and analysis of important aspects of the modernist achievements on the international and Serbian modernist scene. The contributors did not - and could not - pursue the aim of reaching firm conclusions, definitions, and classifications. They instead offered rich and complex examinations of this exciting musical epoch turned toward the future and progress, seen from the perspective of the disillusioned twenty-first century, necessarily leaving vast space for new rethinking. ; Зборник радова са научног скупа одржаног од 11. до 13. октобра 2007. године

В работе анализируются процессы преобразования идентичности в межвоенное время в Советской России на примере мифологизации образа Василия Ивановича Чапаева, командира дивизии в Граждан- ской войне 1917–1923 гг. В начале рассматриваются основные этапы биографии Чапаева как реальной исторической личности, а также различные оценки его деятельности в трудах ведущих историков Граж- данской войны в России. Основная часть работы посвящена проблеме мифотворчества и мифологизации личности Чапаева, с помощью чего сторонники новой власти в Советской России пытались создать своеобразный противовес образу офицера как символу имперской власти. В статье прослеживается процесс отрыва образа Чапаева от контекста политической идеологии и его трансформации в практи- чески фольклорный анекдотич- ный персонаж как свидетельство профанации коммунистической идеологии. В конце анализирует- ся литературно-художественный образ Чапаева, связанный со всеми перечисленными мифологически- ми образами, но одновременно отличающийся от них. ; This paper analyzes the process of identity transformation of the interwar period in Soviet Russia on the example of mythologization of Vasily Ivanovich Chapaev, division commander in the Russian Civil War of 1917–1923. In the beginning of the work main stages of Chapaev's biography as a real historical figure are considered, as well as various assessments of his activity in the works of leading historians of Civil War in Russia. The main segment of this paper is devoted to the problem of myth creation and mythologization of Chapaev's personality, with the help of which supporters of the new government in Soviet Russia tried to create a kind of counterbalance to the figure of officer as a symbol of earlier imperial power. The article also traces the process of separation of Chapaev's figure from the context of political ideology, and its transformation into a practically folklore anecdotical hero as evidence of the profanation of communist ideology. In the conclusion of the article an artistic and literary figure of Chapaev, related to all above mentioned mythological figures, but simultaneously different from them, is analyzed.

The international business has been consistently represented in the world economy for more than 150 years and has been continuously increasing and strengthening all the time, making it today the most important economic and globalization factor that undoubtedly dominates the world economy. It is characterized primarily by the so-called. multinational corporations that operate through their affiliates in several countries with the main goal of maintaining and increasing their profits. They are now present practically in all countries of the world, and it is estimated that their business activities now contribute to generating the global GDP of about 75%. Such a progressive multinational business generally bases itself on highly competent management and the use of the latest and increasingly productive technologies as a materialized expression of the development of applied economic and social sciences. Within all this, regarding the world-established freedom of movement of capital and labor, national states are making increasing efforts to regulate the breakthrough and functioning of an international business in their territories in the interest of their progress.In this context, in order to regulate the operation of the international business, it has been selected to study the treatment of international business in Serbia, as a small transition country, with the results thus obtained being representative for all the countries of the present day. Consequently, the focus of these studies is the attitude of the state of Serbia and its higher education towards the emerging international business. In this paper, with the help of an adequate questionnaire and respondents from higher education institutions, the attitude of the state and higher education towards the international business is considered, where adequate breakthrough of the positive and inert suppression of the negative activity of that business is ascertained. The positive treatment of this business is reflected in the state stimulation of its attraction in order to raise the level of GDP and employment, while the negative sides refer to the insufficient protection of national economic entities, the poor protection of the available natural resources, and the insufficient study of that business in higher education system of Serbia.On this basis, the paper presents suggestions that the state of Serbia and its higher education should even more constructively treat international business in the function of its further economic prosperity. Of course, all these results are not representative for Serbia only, but practically for all other countries.

In this paper, populism is regarded as a kind of ideological map that facilitates to the citizens their coping in the political space, as well as a "thin-centered ideology" which has at his center the idea that politics should be a reflection of the will of the people, the idea that a clean and moral nation confronts a corrupt elite and "out groups", "out groups" which actions endanger or impair the rights and values of the nation. The paper focuses on some fundamental theoretical considerations on populism and empirical determination of the elements of populism in the public opinion in Serbia. Based on opinion polls in Serbia it has been shown what is the relationship of citizens to the people, political elites, democracy and its institutions, as well as the attitude towards "out groups". Empirical research conducted in Serbia in 2017 confirms the hypothesis that the gap between citizens and their elected representatives is deep, and it marks also that conventional politics increasingly faces the difficulties to reach citizens, and that lack of trust in political parties is generated in all spheres of representative democracy. In the political life, "out groups" are instrumentally ranked by political actors according to the necessities of the moment, and the empirical research of attitudes shows that they are in the same way as "out groups experienced by the citizens.

During the survey conducted in 2012, 2013 and 2014, 67 specimens of common nase, chub and wels catfish were collected on the Medjuvršje reservoir. In the muscle tissue of the individual, the level of accumulation of hazardous elements (As, Cd, Cu, Fe, Hg, Pb, Zn) is determined and compared with the MAC values established by the national regulations and legislation, as well as FAO and EU. Muscle samples were tested for the presence and concentration of selected elements using optical emission spectroscopy (ICP-OES). Collection of ichthyological material on the reservoir was carried out using a set of fishing nets with a diameter of 10-80 mm. Reservoir Međuvršje is located in the outlet of the Ovčarsko-Kablar gorge. The Zapadna Morava river upstream of the accumulation is characterized by an intensive emission of industrial, communal and wastewater from rural households, since no settlements or factories do not have systems for water purification. The fish species used in this research are the most frequently fished and most attractive fishing types of Međuvršje reservoir used in human nutrition. The aim of the paper is to examine the safety of meat use of three fish species in human nutrition from the point of view of the hazardous elements presence and comparison with the prescribed limit values (MAC). The measured values of the elements were several times below the prescribed MAC values. Arsenic values were in the range 0.057-0.153 μg/g and the highest values were recorded in common nase. Cadmium was only registered in 2013 in the chub muscle tissue (0.002 μg/g). Copper values ranged 0.006-0.132 μg/g and the highest values were in chub; Fe was in the range 0.503-8.79 μg/g and the highest values were in the wels catfish; Hg was in the range 0.043-0.077 μg/g and the highest values were in chub; Pb was in the range 0.03-0.134 μg/g and the highest values were in the wels catfish, and Zn was in the range 1.387-20.049 μg/g and the highest values were in chub. The results show a safe use of the analysed fish species for human consumption. ; Tokom istraživanja sprovedenih 2012, 2013 i 2014. godine na akumulaciji Međuvršje prikupljeno je 67 jedinki skobalja, klena i soma. U mišićnom tkivu jedinki utvrđen je nivo akumulacije hazardnih elemenata (As, Cd, Cu, Fe, Hg, Pb, Zn) i upoređen sa MDK vrednostima propisanim regulativama i propisima naše zemlje, kao i FAO i EU. Uzorci mišića su testirani na prisustvo i koncentraciju odabranih elemenata primenom optičke emisione spektroskometrije (ICP-OES). Prikupljanje ihtiološkog materijala na akumulaciji vršeno je pomoću seta stajaćih ribarskih mreža promera okaca 10–80 mm. Akumulacija Međuvršje se nalazi u izlaznom delu Ovčarsko-kablarske klisure. Tok Zapadne Morava uzvodno od akumulacije karakteriše intenzivna emisija industrijskih, komunalnih i otpadnih voda iz seoskih domaćinstava s obzirom da nijedno naselje niti fabrika ne poseduju sisteme za prečišćavanje vode. Riblje vrste korišćene u ovom istraživanju predstavljaju najčešće lovljene i najatraktivnije ribolovne vrste akumulacije Međuvršje koje se koriste u ljudskoj ishrani. Cilj rada je sagledavanje bezbednosti upotrebe mesa tri vrste riba u ljudskoj ishrani sa stanovišta prisustva hazardnih elemenata i poređenje sa propisanim graničnim vrednostima (MDK). Izmerene vrednosti elemenata su bile višestruko ispod propisanih MDK vrednosti. Vrednosti arsena bile su u opsegu 0,057-0,153 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti zabeležene su kod skobalja. Kadmijum je registrovan samo 2013. godine u mišićnom tkivu klena (0,002 μg/g). Vrednosti bakra kretale su se u opsegu 0,006-0,132 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod klena; Fe je bio u opsegu 0,503-8,79 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti su bile kod soma; Hg je bio u opsegu 0,043-0,077 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod klena; Pb je bio u opsegu 0,03-0,134 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod soma, a Zn je bio u opsegu 1,387-20,049 μg/g, a najviše vrednosti bile su kod klena. Izneti rezultati ukazuju na bezbednu upotrebu analiziranih vrsta riba za ljudsku ishranu. ; Soković M, Tešić Ž, editors. Unifood conference: Programme & Book of Abstracts; 2018 Oct 5-6; Belgrade, Serbia. Belgrade: University of Belgrade; 2018. p. 176.

U prvom delu rada ukazuje se na načelne nomotehničke propuste zakonodavca. Potom se analiziraju najznačajnije odredbe Zakona, poput onih o neposrednoj opasnosti od nasilja u porodici u smislu Zakona. U centralnom delu rada obrađene su zakonske novine u postupanju policije, s posebnim osvrtom na odredbe o hitnim merama koje po Zakonu o sprečavanju nasilja u porodici izriče policija. Pri tom, ukazuje se na propuste stručnih obrađivača u formulisanju odredaba o analizi rizika, zadržavanju, i onih koje se odnose na naređenje kojim se izriču hitne mere. Takođe, dotiču se i pitanja sudske zaštite od nasilja u porodici. Kao poseban problem ističe se (u zaključku) odsustvo delotvorne prekršajne odgovornosti učinilaca nasilja u porodici, a to bi se moglo otkloniti de lege ferenda izmenama analiziranog zakona, Zakona o JRM i Zakona o prekršajima. ; In the first part, the paper points to general nomotechnical omissions of the lawmaker. Next, it analyses the most important provisions of the Act, such as those concerning the immediate threat of domestic violence within the meaning of the Act. Central part of the paper deals with legislative novelties pertaining to police conduct, with special reference to the provisions on urgent measures whose issuance the Act on Prevention of Domestic Violence vests in the police. It thereby points to the flawed formulation by professional legislative drafters of the provisions on risk assessment, detention, and ones relating to the order imposing urgent measures. Additionally, it touches upon the issues of judicial protection against domestic violence. As a special problem, the author emphasizes (in the Conclusion) the absence of effective misdemeanour liability for the perpetrator of domestic violence, which could be solved by de lege ferenda amendments to the analysed Act, the Public Order and Peace Act and Misdemeanour Act.

Since the Republic of Serbia as a strategic objective defined membership in the EU, a process of harmonization with the current EU policies is inevitable. Agro-environmental measures are definitely an essential part of that process, and this paper compares agro-environmental state of the EU and Serbia. The situation of individual countries of the EU and Serbia at the level of implementation of ecological principles in agriculture is analyzed through the selected agro-environmental indicators which represents a level of development of regulative in environmental protection in agriculture. In this sense, the used methods are multivariate statistical analyses - factor and cluster analysis. The results of research clearly show that Serbia is lagging behind the EU in the implementation of agro-environmental measures, and in the coming period Serbia will have to make additional efforts to create measures and mechanisms for more effective implementation of the agro-environmental programs.

After the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.

The ultimate goal of game theory is to provide a theoretical model for strategic situations' analysis, i.e. for situations where one actor's choice depends on the behavior of other players in the game. As a concept, game theory is also applicable to the legal context. Legal dialectics and processes are often conducted in some form of strategic interactions. Game theory is a way to see how legal rules affect particular actors' behavior. International Economic Law has its own dynamics which makes the process similar to the analysis through the game theoretical tools. Therefore, the rules of international law are considered as the rules of the game that are taking place among different actors. Game theoretical considerations clarify the substance of the interaction and cooperation of players involved (states, international organizations and other actors). Game theory provides a basis for normative analysis of the issue of implementation of the rules of international law and improves understanding of those rules. The topic of the paper is the application of the game theory in the context of the legal framework established by the World Trade Organization. The member states' dilemma between using the advantages and liberalization options provided by the WTO on the one hand, and joining the regional trade agreements, on the other one, is strategic by nature. Therefore, game theory can contribute to understanding and resolving, using the game of 'prisoner's dilemma' as a model. It is the game which clearly shows that a group of rational egoists can end up worse than a group of actors that acts prima facie contrary to their own interests. 'Prisoner's dilemma' demonstrates why society and law has the need for coordination as well as mechanisms for co-operation. WTO member states put emphasis on the process of liberalization conducted in the framework of regional trade agreements (RTAs); at the same time, their participation in WTO negotiations is not effective and efficient enough to make a breakthrough in the multilateral framework. A solution of the game for Member States is not to cooperate: i. e, liberalization is primarily achieved through regional agreements rather than within the WTO. The rational decision of the Member States (opting for a regional approach) has resulted in a suboptimal result, which is a basic characteristic of the game model based on a prisoner's dilemma: in this case, the optimal solution would be cooperation through a multilateral framework (World Trade Organization).

By modernizing society, corruption is becoming the global problem and is considered to be the main cause of state dysfunction. Widespread in a large number of countries, embracing political and social life, corruption has become the everyday life of citizens convinced that without corruption there was no proper functioning of the society. Countries in transition, with an unstable political system, are the fundament for the development of corruption. The fight against corruption is long lasting and painful issue with an unknown outcome. The enjoyment of media attention, the commitment of the European Union and the United Nations, the establishment of anti-corruption organizations and agencies within states are mechanisms to combat this global problem. Anticorruption culture as a preventive mechanism prevents the existing and emergence of new forms of corruption. Effective preventive action requires careful and long-term planning to result in a better quality of life in the future.

The topic of this doctoral dissertation is the problem of constitution of the body politic in democratic theories. In contemporary analytic political theory this problem has been most commonly dealt with as the boundary problem that asks how to delimit the demos democratically, but in continental political theory it is rather considered as an issue of constitution of the demos and as one of the political and democratic paradoxes. This study has embraced the second methodological approach in tackling this issue. I contend that the original constitution of the demos by democratic means is logically impossible so instead of a quest for a permanent solution of this problem, the paradoxes of the stories of founding as well as chronic legitimacy deficit of any bounded bodies politic should be exposed. It is more productive to rethink the ways to remedy or mitigate the initial injustices committed toward the excluded from the demos and to legitimize the recomposition of the body politic (demos) via subsequent democratic reconstitution. It is argued that political body can be democratically reconstituted not just during extraordinary but also during ordinary, everyday political moments, when relations between popular sovereignty and human rights are negotiated and contested. The opportunities for these contestations and negotiations are situations of restoration of membership for the old members and recognition of membership to the new members, usually understood as situations addressing the compositional dimension of demos that responds to the question who is the passive member, and where should the external boundaries of the demos be drawn. But there are also situations when political identity can be redefined, especially when collective action is initiated, opportunities when performative dimension of the demos is activated, and which informs us about struggles concerning the internal boundaries of the demos - who can be an active member and how deep is the gap between the demos and the body politic. Performative account of the demos focus on the ways in which the demos demands recognition as the demos and at the same time enacts itself as an emerging body politic. ; Predmet doktorske disertacije je problem konstituisanja političkog tela u demokratskim teorijama. Ovaj se problem u savremenoj analitičkoj političkoj teoriji uobičajeno razmatra kao problem ograničenja demosa, odnosno pitanje kako je moguće demokratski ograničiti demos, dok se u kontinentalnoj političkoj teoriji pre razmatra kao pitanje konstituisanja demosa odnosno kao jedan od paradoksa politike i demokratije. Metodološki se rad priklanja drugom načinu razmatranja ovog pitanja. Zastupam stanovište da je demokratsko konstituisanje demosa logički nerešiv problem te da, umesto pokušaja da se on trajno reši, treba razotkriti paradokse utemeljivačkih priča i hronični nedostatak legitimnosti na ma koji način ograničenog političkog tela. Produktivnije je misliti o načinima da se početne nepravde prema isključenima isprave ili ublaže i da se sastav političkog tela (demosa) naknadno legitimiše demokratskim rekonstituisanjem. Tvrdi se da se političko telo može demokratski rekonstituisati putem ne samo izvanrednih već i svakodnevnih političkih momenata tokom kojih se pregovaraju i osporavaju veze između narodnog suvereniteta i ljudskih prava. Takve situacije osporavanja i pregovaranja su one kada se obnavlja članstvo starim članovima ili priznaje članstvo novim članovima, o čemu se obično misli kao o kompozicionoj dimenziji demosa koja odgovara na pitanje ko je pasivni član, odnosno gde su spoljašnje granice političkog tela. Postoje takođe i situacije redefinisanja političkog identiteta i pokretanja kolektivne akcije što je način da se razmotri performativna dimenzija demosa odnosno unutrašnje granice političkog tela - ko može biti aktivni član i koliki je jaz između demosa i političkog tela. Performativna dimenzija demosa fokusira se na načine na koje demos zahteva priznanje da je demos i istovremeno proizvodi, otelotvoruje sebe, kao političko telo u nastajanju.

Монографија "Зграде школских и предшколских установа – методолошки оквир формирања типологије и побољшања енергетске ефикасности" представља теоретску подлогу рада и основне принципе истраживања којим су посебно обухваћени: историјски преглед развоја зграда школских и предшколских установа, развој регулативе ове области, методологија вршења пописа и формирања типологије зграда, принципи унапређења и прорачун потенцијалне уштеде енергије као и смањења емисије угљен-диоксида кроз процесе енергетске обнове зграда на нивоу Републике Србије. ; Monograph "School and Kindergarten Buildings- a methodological framework for the formation of typology and the improvement of energy efficiency" represents a theoretical basis of our work and basic research principles, especially covering the following: historical overview of the school and kindergarten buildings development, development of legislation in this area, methodology for taking inventory and forming the typology of buildings, improvement principles and calculation of potential energy savings and CO2 emission reduction via the processes of energy rehabilitation of buildings in the Republic of Serbia.