Zusammenfassung Die repräsentative Demokratie steht zunehmend unter Druck. Das Parteienspektrum fragmentiert sich und erschwert Regierungsbildungen. Unabhängig von ihrer politischen Ausrichtung treten neue, aus politischen Bewegungen hervorgegangene Akteure auf, die mehr Transparenz und Bürgerbeteiligung versprechen. Drei dieser teilweise sehr erfolgreichen Bewegungsparteien werden hier vorgestellt. Es wird die These vertreten, dass sie, trotz vermeintlich mehr Partizipation durch Losverfahren und extensive Nutzung der sozialen Medien einer Zentralisierung der Macht Vorschub leisten. Verglichen mit traditionellen Parteien, ist die Einflussnahme der Mitglieder eher geringer. Die Formierung des politischen Willens wird von oben, von starken Parteiführern, gesteuert und kontrolliert.
Abstract Much has been written about the global convergence on constitutional supremacy. Yet, a closer look suggests that while constitutional convergence trends are undoubtedly extensive and readily visible, expressions of constitutional resistance or defiance may in fact be regaining ground worldwide. This may point to a paradox embedded in global constitutionalism: the more expansive constitutional convergence trends are, the greater the likelihood of dissent and resistance are. In this article, I chart the contours of three aversive responses to constitutional convergence: neo-secessionism, nullification, and deference to local authority, and draw on an array of comparative examples to illustrate the distinct logic and characteristics of each of these responses. Taken together, these increasingly common expressions of defiance provide ample evidence that global constitutionalism is not the only game in town. Neo-secessionism, nullification, and other forms of constitutional dissent and "opting out" may thus be viewed as a reaction against the centralization of authority and the decline of the local in an increasingly—constitutionally and otherwise—universalized reality.
Potęga państw współczesnych nie straciła na aktualności. Można to zaobserwować w ujęciu przedstawicieli różnych teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Dzieje się tak pomimo zmian w systemie międzynarodowym i innym spojrzeniu na zakres siły państw. Zmiany w systemie spowodowały, iż obok tak oczywistych wyznaczników siły państwa, jak wojskowych czy ekonomicznych należy również uwzględnić inne, definiowane poprzez soft power. Należy uwzględnić również mechanizm uruchamiania siły w postaci sprawnie działającego państwa czy woli wspólnoty do realizacji celów. W ocenie współczesnej potęgi należy również uwzględnić aspekt systemu międzynarodowego, który w dużym stopniu wpływa jakie elementy siły są ważne, a jakie mniej istotne w danej sytuacji. Uwzględniając powyższe uwarunkowania, ważne jest przyjęcie, że siła państwa jest zespolonym wynikiem wojskowych, ekonomicznych i miękkich czynników. Należy jednak uwzględnić czynniki zewnętrzne, systemowe, które ostatecznie określają siłę państwa. W badaniach nad problematyką siły państwa wykorzystano kilka metod badawczych. Analiza systemową, której wartość w badaniach siły jest szczególnie ważna z uwagi na konieczność określenia jej miejsca w systemie międzynarodowym na jego różnych poziomach. Ważne, szczególnie w zakresie potęgometrii są metody statystyczne, które uwzględniają zarówno stronę ilościową, jak i jakościową badanych zjawisk. W badaniach nad potęgą zastosowanie ma również metoda porównawcza (analogia) zwana też komparatywną, z uwagi na możliwości wykrycia podobieństw oraz różnic między procesami i zjawiskami.
We are Vietnamese - A reflection on being Vietnamese-Australian is a creative non fiction piece concerning being a Vietnamese-Australian author in the present day. It explores Hoa's meeting with Pham Thi Hoai, a Vietnamese author in exile in Berlin, and her encounters with Thich Nhat Hanh the Vietnamese Zen Master. It also interrogates the cultural perceptions of Vietnam in Australia and Hoa's own subject position as a published Asian Australian author.
We are Vietnamese - A reflection on being Vietnamese-Australian est un essais sur ce que signifie être un auteur australo-vietnamien aujourd'hui. Il explore deux rencontres marquantes de l'auteure : l'une avec Pham Thi Hoai, une écrivaine vietnamienne en exile à Berlin, et l'autre avec Thich Nhat Hanh, le grand maître zen vietnamien. Il remet aussi en question les perceptions culturelles du Vietnam en Australie et la propre situation de Hoa en tant qu'auteure autralo-vietnamienne.
L'ombre douce (Viviane Hamy, 2013) and Sous le ciel qui brûle (Viviane Hamy, 2017) evoke the history of France and Vietnam between the start of the twentieth century and the 1970s through the exploration of the relationships between past and present, war and peace, harmony and disharmony. These novels seek a poetic accord and a relationship of correspondences not only between the Western and Far-Eastern imaginations, but also between words and things – a quest that, in Sous le ciel qui brûle, lies at the foundation of the poetic vocation of the novel's hero, Tuan.
L'ombre douce (Viviane Hamy, 2013) et Sous le ciel qui brûle (Viviane Hamy, 2017) évoquent l'histoire de la France et du Vietnam entre le début du XXème siècle et les années 1970, en explorant les relations entre le passé et le présent, la guerre et la paix, l'harmonie et la dysharmonie. Ces romans sont à la recherche d'un accord poétique et d'une relation de correspondances, non seulement entre l'imaginaire occidental et l'imaginaire extrême-oriental, mais encore entre les mots et les choses – recherche qui se trouve au fondement de la vocation poétique de Tuân, le héros de Sous le ciel qui brûle.
AbstractWe analyse how institutional complementarities between employee representation laws and dismissal restrictions influence aggregate innovation outcomes. We argue that greater employee voice, due to improved employee representation legislations, may spur innovative effort by employees only when shareholders cannot renegotiate ex-ante agreements with workers over revenue sharing, by threatening dismissal. We perform a panel regression analysis, exploiting country-sector panel data over the 1977–2005 period, and find that stronger employee representation laws in the presence of stricter firing restrictions are in fact associated with higher patenting activity. Consistently with our theoretical argument, the magnitude of this empirical relationship is seen to be relatively larger in those sectors where the human capital contribution to production is higher. Implications for the analysis of economic institutions and for legal policy making are proposed.
Abstract Human rights discourse has been likened to a global lingua franca, and in more ways than one, the analogy seems apt. Human rights discourse is a language that is used by all yet belongs uniquely to no particular place. It crosses not only the borders between nation-states, but also the divide between national law and international law: it appears in national constitutions and international treaties alike. But is it possible to conceive of human rights as a global language or lingua franca not just in a figurative or metaphorical sense, but in a literal or linguistic sense as a legal dialect defined by distinctive patterns of word choice and usage? Does there exist a global language of human rights that transcends not only national borders, but also the divide between domestic and international law? Empirical analysis suggests that the answer is yes, but this global language comes in at least two variants or dialects. New techniques for performing automated content analysis enable us to analyze the bulk of all national constitutions over the last two centuries, together with the world's leading regional and international human rights instruments, for patterns of linguistic similarity and to evaluate how much language, if any, they share in common. Specifically, we employ a technique known as topic modeling that disassembles texts into recurring verbal patterns. The results highlight the existence of two species or dialects of rights talk—the universalist dialect and the positive-rights dialect—both of which are global in reach and rising in popularity. The universalist dialect is generic in content and draws heavily on the type of language found in international and regional human rights instruments. It appears in particularly large doses in the constitutions of transitional states, developing states, and states that have been heavily exposed to the influence of the international community. The positive-rights dialect, by contrast, is characterized by its substantive emphasis on positive rights of a social or economic variety, and by its prevalence in lengthier constitutions and constitutions from outside the common law world, especially those of the Spanish-speaking world. Both dialects of rights talk are truly transnational, in the sense that they appear simultaneously in national, regional, and international legal instruments and transcend the distinction between domestic and international law. Their existence attests to the blurring of the boundary between constitutional law and international law.
