Dear readers,We offer you a new English issue of Envigogika which thematically focuses on case studies of regional sustainable development where social actors play specific roles in communication processes – it documents both the promotion of positive changes at regional level and/or also provide evidence to illuminate seemingly unresolvable conflicts. The concept of social learning from an educational point of view frames this thematic edition – as with any other learning process, stakeholder dialogue has a transformative aspect, the opportunity to confront and possibly change opinions and act on the basis of agreed emergent standpoints. In particular, this collection of case studies specifically tries to illuminate role of science and education in regional development, and attempts to introduce methods of analysis of diverse social relationships as well as practical ways of facilitation of communication processes.In this issue of Envigogika two types of case studies are presented – regional development and regional conflicts. Progress in both is highly dependent on the involvement of actors who shape discussions and consequently frame the issue. Analysis of social aspects is hence highly desirable and first steps undertaken here show some interesting results.The first area of interest (development issues) is a traditional focus of Actor Analysis (AA) and this method is widely used abroad in the envisioning stage and helps to facilitate negotiation processes. In the Czech context however, deliberation processes take place rather spontaneously and without a proper analytical stage, and reflections on negotiations in specific cases illustrates exactly this. A hypothesis about the need for continuous cultivation of democratic conditions in the Czech Republic, (with help of sound scientific analytical methods) specifically concerning deliberation processes, was posed as a result of a collaborative research process. This hypothesis was explored in different ways by our invited authors.To provide a brief overview of the issue:Simon Burandt, Fabienne Gralla and Beatrice John in their article Actor Analysis in Case Studies for (regional) Sustainable Development introduce the Actor Analysis analytical tool used to reflect regional (sustainable) development challenges throughout several articles in this issue. This method can be used with the aim not only of studying social capital, but also to have an impact on decision making and community choices. Its role in describing social players and their interactions, to assist in understanding regional development processes and potential conflicts, and to provide information for strategy development is demonstrated through a specific case (the Ore Mountains). The steps of an actor analysis described in the article can be read as guideline for implementing this analysis and an analytical perspective on this process is provided by this article.An outstanding Czech sustainability oriented local economy project is presented in an article by Jan Labohý, Yvonna Gaillyová and Radim Machů: A sustainability assessment of the Hostětín cider house project. The authors assess the sustainability of the project in relation to different kinds of capital using complex indicators that uncover different aspects of the production process and its local cultural characteristics; moreover, effects to the local economy are measured using the local multiplier effect indicator. From this assessment it is clear that the cider house project meets the primary goals of regional sustainable development in a long term perspective.Another – opposite, negative – case is described by Jan Skalík in the analyses the Debate about the Šumava National Park in the Czech Chamber of Deputies. The article demonstrates persisting conflict and its roots with help of the text analysis method applied to the transcripts of parliamentary debates about National Park Šumava (ŠNP) in the Chamber of Deputies between 1990 and 2013. The relationship between politicians and local people within decision-making process, which is depicted as a consequence of this conflict, is then discussed. Interesting conclusions concern the plurality of dialogue and roles of the actors within it; the influence of scientists on the solutions; and the inflammatory and emotional characteristics of recent debate.As a contrast, which serves as a counterargument to show the power of civic society, Vendula Zahumenská refers to a case in Hradec Králové where environmentalists and local developers have been in conflict concerning the development and commercial use of the Na Plachtě natural monument. This case study shows the role of public participation in environmental protection and describes the specific opportunities for influencing environmental decision-making.But there are cases in CR where declared economic interests are so strong that they eliminate dialogue with civic society – for example, as a result of brown coal mining and its associated industrial development, 106 towns and villages were obliterated in North Bohemia and its population was resettled to newly built prefabricated housing estates. A Case study analysing biographic interviews with the displaced people of Tuchomyšl is presented by Ivana Hermová. The author shows that the former Tuchomyšlers continue to identify strongly with the social space of the obliterated village, and discovers how they reflect on their forced eviction 35 years after the physical destruction of the village.That these conclusions concerning the involvement of social actors might be reflected (and used) in the practice of school education, is described by Alois Hynek, Břetislav Svozil, Jakub Trojan and Jan Trávníček. In a reflection on the Deblínsko landscape project these authors refer to the roles of stakeholders including a university, primary school and kindergarten, and also owners, users, decision-makers, shareholders and stakeholders within public administration. The project is driven by Masaryk University which applies sustainability/security concepts in practice while closely relating these activities with research and teaching. This experience shows that social learning processes can start early among children/pupils/students.A brief analytical overview of cases in this special issue, as well as an overview of information and experiences from a database of case studies from different regions of the Czech Republic and from abroad (compiled by authors beyond the scope of this issue), is provided in an article Potential for social learning in sustainable regional development: analysis of stakeholder interaction … by Jana Dlouhá and Martin Zahradník. The conditions for the success or failure of environmental or sustainable development strategies from a social point of view have been analysed here with a focus on the roles of actors in a dialogue about regional sustainability issues within cooperative or conflict situations and concern for the communication processes among actors, scientists included. As a result of this analysis, interesting hypotheses were formulated, related to the role of future visioning as a ground for discussion, communication frameworks which involve all concerned actors, and the (non)existence of facilitation practices. These findings highlight the importance of reflecting on development issues' social aspects to help understand and promote democratic decision making processes at regional level.The case studies which follow the research section of the issue take the opportunity to provide a colourful depiction of local sustainable development conditions. The Description of old industrial regions in Europe and potential for their transformation is described by Joern Harfst and David Osebik who stress social learning as an important transformative factor. In particular the involvement of research partners may support joint learning effects and knowledge transfer between all actors. Establishment of trusting working relationships may be crucial to overcome certain reservations on all sides before innovative approaches can be pursued successfully.The Vulkanland case study case written by Michael Ober traces the first glimpses of a sustainable development vision for a border region with little hope for economic prosperity to the successful development of a new identity which has reinforced local peoples' self-confidence. The initiators of the project first imagined a future built on different standards than the past and consequently managed to substantially transform this region within a period of 15 years. The 'Steirisches Vulkanland' region now includes 79 municipalities which together promote local, green, self-sustaining businesses and continue to be ambitious about their future visions including achieving energy independence.As part of the theme illustrated in this Special issue and mentioned also within the analysis of the cases is a text Discovery of a supposed extinct settlement species made at Königsmühle in the Ore Mountains (published previously in Envigogika 9/1 last year but worth republishing in English in the context of this thematic issue). Author Petr Mikšíček pays attention to footprints left in the landscape by bygone generations of inhabitants (and also to present-day footprints left by our generation) and struggles to retain this memory for future generations. Clashes with the interests of some of the actors (land owners in this case) are necessary to preserve the footprints that are on the brink of being wiped out.A brief introduction to the new publication Analysis and support for participatory decision-making processes aimed at regional sustainable development strategies through the use of actor analysis methodology which is available fully online here is presented in the Information section of the Issue.From this overview, some general conclusions can be derived:Conflict situations described in this issue emerged when traditional concepts were enforced by strong actors (without joint envisioning and planning with the others); these circumstances usually do not allow for balanced discussions about the future. However the important role of minor actors such as scientists was also revealed. Experiences with their involvement provided a chance to highlight the role of scientists in policy-making.Based on the findings of this and other related research, the role of scientists can be framed not only as providers of the (rather technical) expertise to reach the goals that were set within the environment or SD oriented decision-making, but also as entering policy negotiations providing an insight into the processes they undergo. If invited at an early stage of decision-making, they can have a considerable impact on its results (then their involvement can be described as an action research). This finding might be used in planning of similar practical and scientific projects.As we can see, several interesting ideas resulted from a comparative meta-analysis of the case studies and were outlined in this issue of Envigogika. In general, it is a social point of view that provides an insight into the nature of the examples presented from the Czech Republic and the good practices from abroad. A scientific method of description is used here to reflect policy mechanisms as well as to indicate a way forward for integrating decision making practice into very sensitive, local or regional sustainability contexts. We sincerely hope that this will precipitate a broad process of public dialogue among experts as well as other actors – beyond the realm of academic discussions only, but nevertheless with substantial academic input.We wish you an enjoyable read and a pleasant and relaxing summer!On behalf of the Envigogika editorial teamJana and Jiří DlouhýAcknowledgementResearch in several articles of this issue was supported by the following projects: Interdisciplinary network of cooperation for policy development in the field of sustainable development (Mezioborová síť spolupráce pro policy development v oblasti udržitelného rozvoje – MOSUR, 2011‑2014) CZ.1.07_2.4.00_17.0130 from the OPVK program of Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports; and TD020120 (TAČR), and 14/36005S (GAČR).
Dissertação apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Acção Humanitária, Cooperação e Desenvolvimento ; Este projecto decorre de minha experiência direta: passei seis meses trabalhando com uma ONG em uma escola em uma área rural na República da Guiné. Além do entusiasmo e da paixão, esta experiência deixou-me uma pergunta: porque a maioria das crianças que frequentam a escola primária regularmente têm enormes lacunas de modo a ser muitas vezes praticamente analfabeto? A maioria dos projetos que olhem para questões de educação em África para trazer as crianças para a escola ou para construir a própria escola, se não há. Este projeto concentra a atenção sobre o que acontece quando o aluno já está sentado no banco da escola. O que se segue destina-se a ser um estudo completo, tanto quanto possível, e uma ferramenta necessária para futuras intervenções humanitárias, em qualquer nível neste campo — de uma única escola a uma campanha nacional. Uma compreensão completa e abrangente da intervenção no território e dos destinatários é crucial para os planos para um projeto humanitário eficaz, durável e sustentável. Minha análise começa com um estudo geral sobre Guiné, indicando aspectos histórico-cultural, económico e político, juntando num último ponto minha interpretação. Na segunda etapa faz-se uma análise mais concentrada da educação na Guiné, dos contornos que envolvem o seu âmbito territorial (países de língua francesa da África sub-sahariana) quando necessário, mas também tentando apontar uma distinção que muitas vezes não é detectada entre oportunidades sócio-educativas em áreas rurais e cidades. A partir de problemas objectivos indicados nos relatórios do UNESCO Institute for Statistics, intregro minha experiência pessoal através da detecção de três problemas de base: regras Ministerial, professores, políticas de língua (focando na Guiné como um estudo de caso único e interessante). Na terceira parte, sugerir possíveis estratégias para uma mudança palpável. Para fazer isso, uso minha experiência de dois novos estudos sobre a educação de que tomei conhecimento enquanto estudante em Erasmus em Bruxelas (Université Saint-Louis). Analisando os resultados que tive a possibilidade de encontrar nos alunos que seguiram um curso de alfabetização intensivo de recuperação, detectei que a memorização era a única estratégia de ensino até agora utilizada, com resultados devastadores a nível psicológico e educacional. Através do estudo da formação de especialistas tais como Xavier Roegiers, proponho como possível abordagem a Pedagogia da Integração destinadas a proporcionar à criança conhecimentos e a permitir-lhe de aplicar os seus conhecimentos, deixando de lado a técnica da memorização que, além de causar desconforto nos jovens com insucesso, não conferia nenhuma habilidade real para os que pareciam ter sucesso. ; This project stems from my direct experience: I spent six months as a volunteer in an NGO in a rural school in the Republic of Guinea. Apart from the enthusiasm and passion, this experience has left me with a question: how can we explain that the majority of children who attend regularly primary school often have huge gaps at the point of being virtually illiterate? The majority of projects relating to the issue of education in Africa aim at bringing children to school, or plan to build these schools if they do not exist. This project focuses rather on what happens when the student is already sitting on the bench of the school. This work intends to serve as a comprehensive study, as far as possible, and as a necessary tool for future humanitarian actions, regardless of their level of intervention — it may be targeted at a single school or at a national campaign. An complete understanding and a comprehensive knowledge of the territory and beneficiaries is essential to plan a sustainable, efficient and sustainable. humanitarian project. My analysis begins with a comprehensive study on Guinea, indicating historical and cultural, economic and political aspects, and adding final note on my own interpretation. The second step consists into a more specific analysis on education in Guinea, its sphere of action and its influence at the territorial level (french-speaking countries of sub-Saharan Africa) when necessary. It also underlines a distinction that is not often detected: that between social and educational opportunities in rural areas and in cities. From the objective findings contained in the reports of the UNESCO Institute for Statistics, I have added my personal experience by detecting three fundamental problems: the government rules, the teachers praxis, and language policy (focusing on Guinea as unique and interesting case study). In the third part, I suggest possible strategies for a realistic change. To do this, I use my experience from two new studies on education that I learned on while is Erasmus in Brussels (Université Saint-Louis). I use them to analyze the results that I had the opportunity to collect on students who have followed intensive literacy classes, where I noticed that the memorization was the only strategy of education used up to now, with devastating effects at psychological and educational levels. Through the study of the materials of specialists such as Xavier Roegiers, I propose as one possible approach the Pedagogy of Integration, designed to provide the child knowledge and to enable her or him to apply this knowledge, leaving aside the memorization technique which, in addition to causing discomfort among youth in school failure, not provide any real skill for those who seem to have more success. ; Ce projet découle de mon expérience directe: j'ai passé six mois comme volontaire au sein d'une ONG dans une école en milieu rural dans la République de Guinée. En plus de l'enthousiasme et de la passion, cette expérience m'a laissé une interrogation : comment expliquer que la majorité des enfants qui fréquentent régulièrement l'école primaire ont d'énormes lacunes au point d'être souvent pratiquement analphabètes ? La majorité des projets qui ont trait à des questions d'éducation en Afrique visent à amener les enfants à l'école ou à construire ces écoles, s'il n'y en a pas. Ce projet attire plutôt l'attention sur ce qui arrive quand l'élève est déjà assis sur le banc de l'école. Ce travail est destiné à servir comme une étude complète autant que possible et un outil nécessaire pour les futures interventions humanitaires, quel que soit le niveau dans ce domaine, d'une école unique à une campagne nationale. Une compréhension complète et globale de l'intervention sur le territoire et sur les bénéficiaires est essentielle à une planification pour un projet humanitaire durable, efficace et durable. Mon analyse commence avec une étude globale sur la Guinée, en indiquant les aspects historiques et culturels, économiques et politiques, et en ajoutant en note finale ma propre interprétation. Dans la deuxième étape une analyse de façon plus ciblée l'éducation en Guinée, sa sphère d'action et son rayonnement au plan territorial (les francophones des pays de l'Afrique subsaharienne) quand nécessaire, mais on essaye aussi de souligner une distinction qui n'est souvent pas détectée entre opportunités socio-éducatives dans les zones rurales et dans les villes. À partir des constatations objectives contenues dans les rapports du UNESCO Institute for Statistics, j'intègre mon expérience personnelle en détectant les trois problèmes fondamentaux : les règles ministérielles, les enseignants, les politiques linguistiques (en se concentrant sur la Guinée comme étude de cas unique et intéressante). Dans la troisième partie, sont suggérées des stratégies possibles de changement palpable. Pour ce faire, j'utilise mon expérience de deux nouvelles études sur l'éducation acquises lors de mon séjour en Erasmus à Bruxelles (Université Saint-Louis). J'analyse des résultats que j'ai eu la possibilité de collecter sur des élèves qui ont suivi des cours d'alphabétisation intensifs de récupération, où j'ai détecté que la mémorisation était la seule stratégie d'enseignement jusqu'à maintenant utilisée, avec des effets dévastateurs au niveau psychologique et éducatif. Grâce à l'étude de la matériaux de spécialistes tels que Xavier Roegiers, je propose une approche possible à la pédagogie de l'intégration conçue pour fournir à l'enfant les connaissances et lui permettre d'appliquer ces connaissances, laissant de côté la technique de mémorisation qui, en plus de causer une gêne chez les jeunes en échec scolaire, ne confère aucune compétence réelle pour ceux qui semblent avoir plus de succès. ; Questo progetto nasce dalla mia diretta esperienza: ho passato sei mesi lavorando con una ong in una scuola in una zona rurale della Repubblica di Guinea. Oltre a tanto entusiasmo e passione questo periodo mi ha lasciato un interrogativo: perché la maggior parte dei bambini che frequentavano regolarmente la scuola primaria presentavano enormi lacune tanto da essere spesso praticamente analfabeti? La maggior parte dei progetti che guardano ai problemi dell'educazione in Africa puntano a portare i bambini a scuola o a costruirla qualora non ci fosse, io ho focalizzato la mia attenzione su quello che succede quando lo studente è già seduto al banco. Quello che segue vuole essere uno studio quanto più completo possibile, uno strumento necessario per futuri interventi umanitari a qualsiasi livello in questo campo, dalla singola scuola a una campagna nazionale. Una conoscenza approfondita e globale del territorio di intervento, dei destinatari e dei precedenti piani è fondamentale per un progetto umanitario efficace, duraturo e sostenibile. La mia analisi parte da uno studio generale sulla Guinea inquadrandone l'aspetto storico-culturale, economico e politico, unendo a quest'ultimo punto una mia chiave di lettura. Nella seconda parte passo a un'analisi più mirata dell'educazione in Guinea, inquadrandola nel suo contesto territoriale (paesi francofoni dell'Africa Sub-Sahariana) quando serve ma anche cercando di sottolineare una distinzione che spesso non viene rilevata: quella tra le possibilità socio-educative nelle zone rurali e nelle città. Partendo da problemi oggettivi emersi da rapporti dell'Unesco Institute for Statistics integro la mia personale esperienza rilevando tre nodi principali: le disposizioni ministeriali, gli insegnanti, le politiche linguistiche (che rendono la Guinea un caso di studio unico e interessante). Nella terza parte, suggerisco possibili strategie per un cambiamento tangibile. Per fare ciò utilizzo sia la mia diretta esperienza sia i nuovi studi sull'educazione di cui sono venuta a conoscenza mentre ero studente in Erasmus a Bruxelles (Université Saint-Louis). Analizzando i risultati che ho potuto riscontrare negli allievi che seguivo in un corso di recupero e alfabetizzazione intensivo ho rilevato la memorizzazione come unica strategia d'insegnamento abbia dei risultati a livello psicologico e didattico devastanti. Tramite lo studio di specialisti della formazione quali Xavier Roegiers propongo come possibile approccio la Pedagogia dell'Integrazione, volta a rendere il bambino in grado di conoscere e applicare le sue conoscenze, cancellando la tecnica della memorizzazione che, oltre a causare sconforto per i giovani che fallivano nelle prove di valutazione, non dava reali competenze a chi pareva riuscire.
In this dissertation I present a new analytical approach to the study of women's employment. Using data on 18 OECD countries from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), I model cross-national variation in "the gap" between women's orientations toward work and family and their employment trajectories over the life course. The existence of a gap at the individual level indicates that a woman followed an employment trajectory that is inconsistent with her work-family orientations--for example, a woman who believes that women should stay at home with young children but who, in fact, worked when her own children were young.The orientations-employment gap has several advantages as an object of study compared to simply modeling women's employment behavior. First, the existence of a gap suggests the presence of social structural factors that operate independently of an individual's work-family orientations and that drive a wedge between their orientations and actual employment behavior. Second, because the gap takes into account women's work-family orientations, it is possible to distinguish between social policies that support women's choice to work versus policies that are commodifying in their effects. The distinction between policies that support women's choice to work and policies that commodify women is important, because work relationships are potentially oppressive, and policies that promote women's freedom to opt out of work may enhance women's leverage, individually and collectively, in the market.Third, the orientations-employment gap uses women's own psychological orientations as a standard for comparison in studying mothers' employment rather than men's occupational outcomes. Because women still shoulder a disproportionate burden of homemaking and childcare responsibilities and suffer employer discrimination based on gender and family status, children may carry significant costs for their mothers, which are reflected in the "gender gap" between women's and men's occupational outcomes (see, e.g., Budig and England 2001 and Goldin 1990). However, it is also important to acknowledge the benefits that accrue to individual mothers (and fathers) and the significance of motherhood as a means of self-actualization. Divergent expectations regarding the costs and benefits of childrearing, as well as the sometimes class-specific ways in which motherhood undergirds adult identity, are among a larger number of factors that produce women's distinct orientations regarding work and family (Gerson 1985; McMahon 1995). Finally, in modeling the orientations-employment gap, it is possible to examine how women's work-family orientations moderate the effects of social policies. In the first chapter I examine whether the effects of childcare-related provisions, labor market conditions, and other factors on mothers' employment trajectories are moderated by their work-family orientations. I distinguish among women with "domestic" and "careerist" orientations, who appear to prioritize homemaking and a career respectively, and a third group of women with "adaptive" orientations, who believe that mothers should reduce their labor force involvement or withdraw from the labor force entirely when their children are young. While it is important to recognize that women's orientations toward work and family change in response to life course events and differences across countries in labor market conditions, women's work-family orientations are not simply a rationalization of the current structure of opportunities and constraints in the environment, as is apparent from the large orientations-employment gaps in many countries. In the main set of analyses in this chapter, I treat mothers' work-family orientations as fixed.I find that the effects of childcare-related provisions and characteristics of the labor market in different countries are highly contingent on mothers' work-family orientations and that mothers generally strive to minimize disagreement between their orientations and actual behavior. For example, my data suggests that mothers pursue distinct compensatory strategies in adapting to high childcare costs: increasing their labor force involvement or reducing their work hours, thus replacing some or all of a childcare worker's labor with their own. But which strategy a woman adopts depends on her work-family orientations. Mothers with careerist orientations are most likely to increase their labor force involvement in response to high childcare costs, while domestic mothers are more likely to pursue the opposite strategy. Furthermore, from my analysis it appears that mothers with domestic orientations use maternity and childcare leave primarily as a means of extending their absence from the labor force. It is among adaptive mothers that maternity leave has the positive effect on employment usually noted in the literature. Even though mothers exhibit a remarkable degree of agency in formulating strategies for the reconciliation of work and family responsibilities, family policy regimes in different countries still have important implications for women's emancipation. In the second chapter I examine variation in the size of the orientations-employment gap between and within countries as a means to assess the emancipatory potential of family policies, broadly defined, in the extent to which they support mothers' access to paid work (Orloff 1993) and decommodification (Esping-Andersen 1990). Despite the importance of decommodification/ commodification as a dimension of variation to earlier welfare state scholarship, the relationship between welfare states, especially as implementers of family policy, and women's access to paid work has received far greater attention in feminist revisions of welfare state scholarship. But the extent to which welfare states support women's freedom to opt out of work--that is, their decommodification--is an equally important dimension of welfare state variation because of the link between this criterion and women's leverage in the market (Esping-Andersen 1990) and the significance of motherhood to some women as a means of self-actualization (McMahon 1995). The typology of family policy regimes suggested by the results from my second dissertation chapter differs in several important respects from the broad picture offered by previous research. First, I find evidence of tension between the very active involvement of the state in supporting (careerist) women's choice to work in the Scandinavian countries and women's decommodification, as illustrated by the large numbers of domestic and adaptive women with young children who are employed in these countries. While my results call into question Esping-Andersen's (1990) characterization of the Scandinavian countries as highly decommodifying and claims that the package of childcare-related benefits and services available to mothers and fathers in these countries facilitates parental choice (Leira 2002b), my results are consistent with arguments made by several scholars (see, e.g., Andersen 2008 and Graafland 2000) that the viability of the large public social service sector in the Scandinavian countries rests on "reproduction going public" (Hernes 1987). As suggested by the large gaps between domestic and adaptive women's work-family orientations and employment behavior, however, the Scandinavian countries have ensured women's high levels of labor force involvement not only by supporting work-centered women's full-time employment, but by inducing home-centered and adaptive women to work when their children are young. I hypothesize that features of public policy such as individual taxation systems in which the (usually male) breadwinner's earnings are taxed at a higher rate than those of the second earner (Sainsbury 1999) and work-related conditions that are attached to the receipt of unemployment insurance and social assistance (Andersen 2010) serve as incentives for mothers to enter the labor market.While the Scandinavian countries are characterized by both their strong support for (careerist) women's choice to work and domestic and adaptive mothers' high levels of labor force involvement, only the latter feature distinguishes the Scandinavian countries from the other countries. Thus, my results suggest that the Scandinavian approach to family policy represents only one route through which countries may promote women's access to paid work. A second major approach to supporting women's employment can be identified in Britain and the United States, where there is greater emphasis on demand side measures and reliance on the private sector and the family in the provision of child care (Michel 1999; O'Connor, Orloff, and Shaver 1999). However, as suggested by my results, these countries are less effective at supporting the labor force participation of mothers who have lower earning power and cannot afford center child care or the services of a nanny. Even in many countries whose family policies are designed around a "male breadwinner" family model (Lewis 1992), including Austria and Germany in Continental Europe, the gap between careerist women's work-family orientations and employment trajectories is relatively small. However, while countries adopt distinct strategies in supporting women's choice to work, each strategy carries unique costs. The very active role of the state in the provision of welfare in the Scandinavian countries rests on the commodification of women, while greater reliance on the private sector and the family in the provision of child care in Britain and the United States have resulted in multi-tiered systems in which the mode of child care used by mothers and the availability of high-quality child care are determined by class. The relatively small gaps between careerist women's work-family orientations and employment trajectories in some Continental European countries such as Austria and Germany may not necessarily point to a distinct strategy for promoting women's access to paid work, but rather, factors that are held in common among most countries, including principles regarding equal pay and equal treatment in employment that are embodied in European Union equality law and improved access to modern and more effective methods of contraception such as the pill.In the third chapter I examine the influence of a wide range of "person-level" factors such as work orientations, human capital characteristics, and family background factors on American women's employment trajectories using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth 1979. The more detailed information on women's work histories in this data set enables me to more closely examine the contours of women's labor market careers and to identify certain critical junctures at which women tend to diverge from one another in their work hours. Specifically, the first critical juncture in women's labor market careers occurs in the period following the completion of (or a pause in) schooling and preceding childbirth, during which time most women embark on a male-type employment pattern of continuous full-time employment ("careerist" and "steady withdrawal" women) or work part-time ("adaptive" and "domestic" women). The caretaking responsibilities and financial demands that accompany the birth of the first child constitutes the second critical juncture in women's lives and cause further branching in women's work histories. An important question that I ask is whether the same factors explain divergences in women's employment in the period following the completion of schooling and after childbirth. Interestingly, two important components of women's work orientations (future plans and gender role attitudes) appear to be far more important in explaining divergences in behavior at the first critical juncture than after childbirth.
Contract and labour law: towards a more flexile concept of employer? The contract within the sphere of the labour law seems to rediscover a "second youth" , lend itself to act as from "pole of attraction" regarding most important and debated profiles of surveying of the labour law doctrine. If the contract, from the point of view of its "pathological" use, captured the attentions of theoretical and practical operators of labour law, above all regarding the issue of the entrepreneurial removal from the so called "garantismo individuale e collettivo" through the phenomenon of the illegal hiring, on the physiological side the institute in question is led back, in a generally residual dimension, the within of the widest phenomenon of the outsourcing. The intervention of the legislator in matter, always increasing and more detailed regarding the past, reproposes, however in partially new terms, the problematic, particularly "felt" in years seventy of the past century, of the protection, legislative and contractual, of the labour in "small" enterprise. The relative criticalities to the anchorage of the protection to a dimensional requirement, any it is, united to those relative ones to the uncertainty and to the caducity of the "borders" of the enterprise of XXI the century, placed in a perspective, by now, not more exclusively national, make to meet towards the labour law discipline of the contract an interesting series of interpretative and reconstructive issues, a lot on the level of qualifying and protective profile, than on that, to "regulatory" one. These are, as mentioned, profiles that are interlaced and "crossed" among them, which are not compartmentalized, within a dimension that is also European and international. The qualifying profile, in fact, proposes, next and beyond the distinction between public and private contract, the most traditional e controversial profile of the distinction between contract, temporary work and illegal hiring, on one side, and transfer of undertaking and/or a its business unit and contract (above all contract of services), from the other. The protective profile in strict sense finds a progressive development and "updating" of not unknown institutes and instruments to the labour law discipline, like the so called social clause of fair treatment, or in the public contracts or in those private ones. At European level, the crucial theme of labour protection concerning the posting of workers in the framework of the provision of services is regulated, mostly, by the Directive CE 96/71, which tries to link social and economic-competitive considerations in a context of mobility of labour and services within the European market. The attempt of linking the foretold aspects seems to be the central fulcrum of the ulterior characterizing profile of the labour law discipline of the contract and that I have characterized like regulative profile. With regard to, and for a first example, it is analyzed, on one side, technique of the jointly legal responsibility, which redistributes the employer "responsibilities" with reference to the economic and normative treatments to guarantee to the interested workers within the relationships of contractual integration arising from the outsourcing processes, and, from the other, trade-union control of the phenomena of outsourcing. The embryonic regulative profile shows, among other things, the emerging of new institutional and socio-economic actors (like authorities, observatories, but also not governmental organizations, consumer and environmental associations), and instruments (like global framework agreements, codes of conduct, but also the, so called, indici di congruità), that prelude to incipient and additional, regarding those "traditional ones", forms of labour regulation within outsourcing processes, also in a global perspective. Finally, as regards to the contract in particular, an interconnected analysis of the three above qualified profiles offers to us an interesting reconstructive framework in order to inquire a possible and embryonic tendency towards a "flexibilisation" of the "employer concept", at least in terms of Co-employment, that links competitive regulation, labour protection and socio-economic development in a systematic and coherent framework. 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One year after a national election in which the Democrats won not only the presidency but 18 congressional seats and 9 new senators, the party lost two major gubernatorial races in Virginia and New Jersey, but won an unexpected congressional seat in upstate New York. Clearly, Obama's coattails did not prove strong enough to bring out the two groups that helped him go over the top in last year's election, namely, the youth vote and the African American votes. There are many lessons to be learned by both parties from this past week' s elections, but there is also the risk of over interpreting results as a prequel of next year's mid-term elections. First, in an "off-off" year, most of the electorate was indifferent to the elections, worried as they are about more pressing issues such as higher taxes, the ever-expanding deficit and more than anything else, about unemployment, which has just surpassed the 10% mark in spite of reported GDP growth of 3.5% this quarter. Second, the state gubernatorial races were played out at the local level and had more to do with the candidates themselves than with the voters 'discontent with the President. Indeed, in a Virginia exit poll, 60% of the voters said that they had based their vote on state issues, while only 24% of those polled said they had used their vote to express their dissatisfaction with the President and 20% to express their support for him. On the other hand, Congressional elections reflect more of the national mood, and here the Democrats were winners: due to an inner brawl among Republicans, they unexpectedly won a seat the Republicans had held since the 1870s in the twenty-third district of New York. still, just as it would be a mistake to give national significance to the state races, it would also be silly to miss the obvious: the preponderant mood in the country is anti-incumbency, and this affects both parties. But clearly, independents who voted for Obama are re-directing their votes toward the Republicans and becoming savvier, more issue specific voters. In addition, both parties have base problems: the Democrats need to figure out how to get their base to the polls during off-year elections, and the Republicans must find ways to control their base so that it does not destroy the party. Turnout was the definitive factor in both gubernatorial races: it fell from 3.7 million to under 2 million in Virginia, and from almost 4 million to 2.3 million in New Jersey. The Republicans and Independents were more energized than the Democratic base, so they voted in larger numbers. Young voters between 18 and 29 years of age represented only 10% in Virginia and 9% in New Jersey. In contrast, in the 2008 presidential race they represented 21% and 17% respectively, and are credited for delivering the states to Obama in both cases. In New Jersey, an unpopular Democratic incumbent, albeit an Obama ally, lost to a new Republican face that ran on a fiscally conservative platform. Obama's appeal was apparently weaker than the voters' aversion for Jon Corzine, so U.S district attorney Chris Christie won, becoming the first Republican to win that position in 12 years. In Virginia, Bob McDonnell underplayed his extreme socially conservative views and his connection to Christian Right leader Pat Robertson. Instead, he ran a positive campaign based on job creation, quality of life for Virginians and fiscal responsibility. His opponent, Creigh Deeds, ran a negative TV ad campaign based on his opponent's social conservatism and his ideology as reflected in a misogynist twenty-year old thesis. In a calculation that backfired, Deeds distanced himself from President Obama for most of his campaign, only to turn to him towards the end. It proved to be too late. On that sunny autumnal day, Democratic voters, especially African Americans and young voters, the two groups than gave Obama his victory in Virginia, were absent from the polls. After eight years of two outstanding Democratic governors, the Executive Mansion in Richmond reverted to Republicans. Unlike Governor Warner who in 2005 prepared the way for his successor, Tim Kaine had spent most of 2009 out of the state, in his new national role as chairman the Democratic National Committee, and did very little to help Deeds. Kaine's national ambition seems to have gotten in the way of his local role as Deeds' promoter and cheerleader, and he became, in the words of Professor Larry Sabato, more of a "partisan rather than a unifying figure" at home. However, the apathy of Democratic voters has deeper roots than just civic irresponsibility or lack of engagement. It is also a reflection of disillusion and even rage with the failure of the Obama administration to create jobs and to deal with Wall Street in stricter terms, for example by breaking up the "too-big-to-fail" banks, introducing stricter regulation of derivatives trading and by reducing of CEO's compensation. Again, in spite of all the rhetoric, Obama seems to have bailed out Wall Street at the expense of middle-class tax payers and small businesses. In sum, Obama's young followers and liberals stayed home because Obama is moving too slowly in crucial issues; independents switched parties because of their own fears of losing their jobs and facing higher taxes, as well as to punish the Democrats for too much government spending with little results for higher employment; and McDonnell benefited as much from a weak, erratic opponent who ran a terrible campaign as he did from his own smart strategy and pragmatic style.While the main problem then for Democrats is how to energize the base so that they can fulfill their civic duty and vote, the Republicans have the opposite problem: how to control their base so that it does not get in the way of allowing the party to field moderate candidates that can get the Independent vote. In this sense, what happened in New York 23rd district may be a blessing in disguise for the Republicans, as it will teach them a lesson in time for next year mid-term election. In this previously little known congressional district near the Canadian border, the Republican Party nominated moderate Assemblywoman DeDe Scozzafava in a special election called to fill the seat of Representative JohnMcHugh (R-NY) who had been appointed Secretary of the Army by President Obama. This was regarded as a safe Republican seat given that the party had held it for over 100 years. However, in a twist of events that took both parties by surprise, Conservatives rebelled against the party nominee, whose social values were deemed too liberal, and fielded their own candidate, Doug Hoffman, with the support of talk show celebrities Rush Limbaugh, Glen Beck and Sarah Palin. The Club for Growth, main supporter of Tea Partiers and Birthers, poured a lot of money in support of Hoffman, and consequently Scozzafava, the official Republican Party nominee, started training in the polls. On the weekend before the election, Scozzafava abandoned the race and endorsed the Democratic candidate! The Right was jubilant, confident of a victory in this rural district, which has very few immigrants and is 93% white. Indeed, Fox news insisted on predicting a "tidal wave" in favor of the Conservative candidate all throughout Election Day, only to be forced to concede at past midnight that instead, the Democratic candidate, Bill Owens, had won. The election in the 23rd district, then, served as a warning to Republicans of whatnot to do in 2010. While the two Republicans that won the gubernatorial races did so by moving to center, thus appealing to Independents and moderates, the main losers in New York state were the Tea Partiers and Birthers who have taken advantage of the vacuum of leadership at the top, have hijacked the Republican Party and made the country at times seem ungovernable. Let it be noted here that both conservative candidates then- to- be governors elect, Chris Christie in New Jersey and Bob McDonnell in Virginia, had rejected Palin's offer to campaign for them. Recognizing the relevance of this kind of wisdom, as well as his good looks and ability to persuade, McDonnell is already being touted as a possible candidate for the 2012 national ticket.2009 will be remembered as the year of anti-incumbency, but this anti-incumbent mood is not so much about Obama, who still enjoys close to 60% of popularity, as it is about government in general. Indeed, every special Congressional election since Obama assumed the presidency has been won by Democrats even in seats previously held by Republicans. In politics, one year is an eternity, so it is difficult to extrapolate the November 3rd results to next year's mid-term election. It all depends on whether the economic stimulus starts to work more consistently and is translated into jobs. The passage of health care reform by the House is undoubtedly a victory for Democrats, but it was a narrow one, with 39 Democrats voting against it, in spite of serious compromises by House Speaker Pelosi, including one amendment that prohibits the use of federal money for abortion and that is already under fire by the party's liberals. If the so-called Stupak amendment is not taken out in House-Senate conference, then the Party may see a huge backlash by women and other groups. Still, health care reform will be a reality by year's end, and once it passes it will become sacred: voters will embrace it (as they did with Medicaid and Medicare, as well as Social Security) and, together with job recovery, it may become the basis of a better mid-term election for Democrats than most pundits are predicting now.Finally, while the two gubernatorial races were won by the Republicans, and can be read as a warning to incumbent governors everywhere in next year's elections, it is clear that the largest group that went to the polls were mainly McCain voters, as well as disgruntled independent voters who shifted to the right. And while this trend is good news for the Republicans, the inexorable weight of demographics is against them: these races were won by an overwhelmingly white and older, more male than female, electorate who constitute at the same time an increasingly smaller percentage of the population as a whole. The fastest-rising voting groups do not vote for the Republican Party, which they consider the party "without ideas". To win next year, the GOP needs to regroup fast, get rid of the Palin-Limbaugh baggage and find new leadership. A year has gone by since their huge electoral loss and they have yet to find it. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
Epic, historic, momentous, transformational. In a word- saturated environment, it is hard to find a term powerful enough to describe the significance of this election for the American psyche. A few vignettes from history may help us grasp this idea better than any hyperbolic epithets. When Frederick Douglass came to the White House, which had been opened to the public to celebrate President Abraham Lincoln's second inauguration in 1865, he was not allowed in. The freed slave, by then a well-known author, abolitionist, activist and orator, sent his card in to the President, who immediately ordered him admitted. In 1901 President Theodore Roosevelt was severely criticized for inviting writer Booker T. Washington to a private dinner at the White House. Thirty years later, his niece, first lady Eleanor Roosevelt received the same vociferous criticism for hosting several African Americans as guests in the White House, including soprano Marion Anderson in 1939. Of course, the practice of receiving black guests in the presidential residence became much more accepted as African Americans were elected to high office in the sixties and seventies. But the journey for the inclusion of the black race has been a long and arduous one for this country, and it will culminate in poetic symbolism this coming January, as Barack and Michelle Obama and their two daughters make the White House their residence. This is a remarkable achievement that all Americans are proud of, and a powerful unifying force for the nation, as mentioned by John McCain in his gracious concession speech on Tuesday night. Barack Obama ran a brilliant, disciplined campaign which will be analyzed for years to come for its innovative use of technology, its break with traditional funding methods and the pervasive influence of the leader 's personality which set a positive tone, an optimistic aura that trickled down to millions of volunteers and contributors. Obama captured the spirit of the times, anticipated the extent to which the country was ready for a change before anyone else did, and proposed a vision that mobilized millions behind him. He was the only one able to take the pulse of the nation and grasp its mood. Eight years of unresponsive and irresponsible leadership, of a lingering war that could not be won, of unimaginable depredation of their cherished values and foundational ideals, had brought Americans to the verge of a nihilistic self-hate. If Obama's intelligence enabled him to perceive this mood, his audacity propelled him forward to seek the higher office in order to change it. Because he believes in the resilience of the country himself, he was able to spark the last bit of fire and illusion left at the bottom of the American heart. He spoke of unity and human dignity; of changing the distorted image the rest of the world has of America, of using diplomacy rather than force, of consulting with allies and talking to enemies. Leaving ideologies aside, he focused on what we all have in common and not on what divides us. And America heard him. His campaign was mainly geared toward the digital generation, and that is where he found his base. Building on Howard Dean's use of the Internet for financing and organizing his own grassroots campaign during the 2003 Democratic primary election, he perfected a technological platform from which he reached millions of citizens. His email list for daily announcements had eight million addresses, eight hundred thousand people registered in mybarackobama.com to get direct information from the campaign and the candidate himself into their mobile phone text messaging systems, and thirteen million people contributed money through the internet. He had one million and a half cyber volunteers who got special training and connected with affinity groups already in existence, such as Democracy for America and the more radical Moveon.org. His field volunteers could choose between training at local headquarters and attending "night school" on the web. By September 1st, the date of the official start of the presidential campaign once both conventions were over, he had amassed four times more money than his opponent. That led him to opt out of public financing, being the first candidate to take this decision since federal funding was established in the 1970s. He took a gamble and won: in September alone, he was able to raise 153 million from small donors on the internet, while McCain, who stopped accepting donations in order to be eligible for public funds, had to content himself with the $84 million received under that program. The contagious optimism and low-key approach that characterize the candidate was also found in every field office, every phone bank volunteer, and every neighborhood canvassing team. The lack of internal disputes and the positive atmosphere earned his campaign the nickname of "No Drama Obama" and the candidates as well as his close team of advisers deserve full credit for it. He started with a small circle of inner political advisors who had worked with him during his Senate run. Talent and serenity, no prima donnas and no big egos, were the main qualifications. In a new version of J.F. Kennedy's The Best and the Brightest, he drew on his friends from Harvard and Columbia, and his colleagues and students from the University of Chicago as the next circle of supporters and advisors. They helped him recruit five hundred paid political operatives among the best in the business, and an army of volunteers. They mounted a huge voter registration operation and a get- out -the vote campaign that would pay off immensely on Election Day. In difficult times during the campaign, David Axelrod, his chief strategist says, Obama and his team would regain their motivation focusing on what he would be able to achieve once in the White House. During the lowest point of his campaign, the Reverend Jeremy White controversy, after brainstorming for a while, Obama decided to make a speech on race as he saw it, based on his own experience and perspective. If he could not persuade Americans of his good faith, he would lose and go back to the Senate, he told his closer advisors with his usual cool detachment that belies a disciplined tenacity and a passion for his call of service to the country. That speech was hailed as exceptional, and was well-received by all races and creeds; it generated a consensus seldom forthcoming on such a divisive topic. The result of these efforts, from the vision that inspired it all to the organizational strengths, was reaped on election night, when he won over 61% of the youth vote, 98% of the African American vote, 67% of the Hispanic vote, 56% of the women's vote, 47% of white men. He also won the Independents vote, as well as the Catholic and even some of the Evangelical vote. This broad based coalition is also reflected in a geographical shift, with the inroads he made into Republican territory by winning Virginia, North Carolina, Indiana, Ohio, Nevada and Colorado as well as Florida. There is no denying that this represents a major political realignment, even if it is too early to evaluate whether these demographic and geographical changes are permanent. But they do reflect changes in the economy, with economic power flowing away from major urban centers and into new states such as Virginia and Colorado. This transfer of economic power brings about demographic change and, ultimately, a shift in political power. Obama put it with subtlety when he said: "There are no red states and blue states; there is the United States of America." Now the major question being posed these days is whether President Obama will be able to govern as flawlessly as he campaigned and whether he will make good on his promise of bipartisanship. He has quite a few good options to do this when choosing his cabinet: moderate Republican Robert Gates could, for example, be asked to stay on as Secretary of Defense, or Chuck Hagel, a Republican Senator that was outspoken on his opposition to the Iraq war could replace him. Colin Powell's name has been suggested for Secretary of Education. Obama has already announced that his first measures will be on the economy, namely, a stimulus package to spur employment, extension on unemployment benefits and more attention to the implementation of legislation already passed on mortgage foreclosures. Given the economic crisis and the huge bailout package that will have to be administered by the incoming administration, the Treasury Secretary will be the most important cabinet member. Here Obama will probably choose a Democrat such as former Clinton Secretary Treasurers Larry Summers or Bob Rubin, or perhaps younger Timothy Geithner, President of the New York Federal Reserve Bank. A larger question is whether Obama will be bold or cautious in his first decisions. President Reagan was of the idea that what a president does not get done during the first year of his tenure, goes into oblivion and does not get done at all. Since the center of the political spectrum decided the election and gave him a strong mandate, he will need to address their concerns first. For example, by giving the middle class the promised tax cuts, and financing those by letting Bush's tax cuts on the wealthy elapse. Health care reform is also a possibility, to demonstrate his commitment to voters, but one that would cost a lot and take time to implement. The main difficulty he faces lies in the conundrum of how to do something bold without enlarging the trillion dollar budget deficit he is inheriting, and all without raising taxes. A neo-Keynesian approach is likely, with, for example, the government ignoring the deficit for a while, and investing in a huge renewable energy program, thereby creating thousands of green jobs and meeting two campaign promises with one bold stroke. He could also opt for highly symbolic actions, such as closing Guantánamo and delivering the prisoners to the US regular court system. Politically, he has a mandate for this, but there may be some legal sticking points that might protract the process and thus not render it so symbolically effective. Whatever he decides to do, the transition period will set the tone for the rest of his administration. He thus needs to do it right, lay out his vision of a national purpose and work towards it in a bipartisan and transparent way, avoiding the temptation of governing with the Democratic legislature only, to the exclusion of the Republican minority. The same mobilized digital-age generation that gave him this victory will be monitoring his every move, assessing the results and sharing their opinions on blogs and chat rooms. Since Obama has his sights set on the long-term, he will try his best not to disappoint. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
Der vorliegende Band nimmt seinen Ausgangspunkt in der krisenhaften Situation um Covid-19. Er hat den Anspruch, mittels wissenschaftlicher Praktiken der Verunsicherung bzw. dem Bruch mit den bisher als "Normalität" aufgefassten Verhältnissen etwas entgegen zu setzen. Involviert in bildungswissenschaftliche Forschung und Lehre, die sich angesichts der Pandemie in vielfältiger Weise neu verorten und gestalten, wenden sich die Autor*innen grundlegenden bildungswissenschaftlichen Verhältnisbestimmungen in ihren ideellen, kategorialen, sozialen und materiellen Neuverortungen zu. Dabei kommen auch Themen in den Blick, die in bildungswissenschaftlichen Arbeiten bisher eher randständig waren, sich aber als künftige Forschungsthemen zeigen, beispielsweise die Technisierung des Umgangs miteinander. (DIPF/Orig.)
Afghanistan is a deeply fragile and conflict affected state. It has been in almost constant conflict for over 35 years since the Soviet invasion of 1979. Today the country is at a crossroads in its development with economic growth down sharply and poverty incidence stubbornly high. Afghanistan faces tremendous development challenges. Gross domestic product (GDP) per-capita is among the lowest in the world, poverty is deep and widespread, and social indicators are still at very low levels. The new government has declared its commitment to address Afghanistan's development challenges, through its paper realizing self-reliance: commitments to reforms and renewed partnership presented at the London conference in December 2014. The purpose of this systematic country diagnostic (SCD) is to provide an evidence-based diagnostic within an objective framework to help in the identification of development priorities. Countries in conflict often face rapidly evolving circumstances and flexibility to adjust quickly is a necessity. The SCD is thus intended to set forth a broad and flexible framework for thinking about choices, prioritization, and sequencing.
This paper aims to contribute to learning on community engagement and community driven development (CDD) in urban areas. Specifically, the review describes the World Bank's use of participatory and CDD approaches in urban areas between 2003 and 2013; identifies the challenges of using participatory and CDD approaches in the urban context; assesses lessons from the application of CDD in urban areas through case studies; and makes recommendations for a way forward in terms of operational approaches and further research to improve the application of CDD in cities. In conducting the study, the team engaged colleagues from social and urban development, and other relevant sectors in order to leverage cross-sectoral collaboration. The paper aims to provide a useful starting point for dialogue and collaboration to contribute to sustainable and inclusive cities. The findings of the review are targeted to task team leaders and national and local government officials who are interested in initiating, expanding, or scaling up projects with a participatory approach in urban areas.
The Constitution of Kenya provides that most functions of the state are decentralized in a devolution process. The devolved health system is four tiered: community health services, primary care services, county referral services, and national referral services. However, even though roles and responsibilities are elaborately outlined, in practice the transition from national to county governments has been marred by inconsistency, poor understanding of the system, management challenges, and lack of coordination between the national and county governments. This policy note provides observations from a pilot that tested integration of social accountability mechanisms in healthcare delivery in Kenya between 2011 and 2013.
This report presents an analysis of the Early Childhood Development (ECD) subsector, including programs and policies that affect young children in the Solomon Islands. This was a collaborative effort between UNICEF and World Bank Group, as it combines World Bank Group's SABER-ECD framework, which includes analysis of early learning, health, nutrition, and social and child protection policies and interventions in the Solomon Islands, along with regional and international comparisons, as well as the regionally developed UNICEF National Situational Analysis-ECD, which takes a greater in-depth look at the following system components, which have been highlighted by the Pacific Region as priority components for quality Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) implementation: policy/legislation and governance; human resources; curriculum, child assessment, and environment; performance monitoring and assessment; and community partnerships. The government of the Solomon Islands (SIG) recognizes the importance of providing early learning opportunities for young children. In 2008 the Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development (MEHRD) endorsed a National Early Childhood Education Policy Statement, targeting age's three to five, which states its commitment to develop a quality Early Childhood Education (ECE) sector. This commitment has been reflected in both the National Education Action Plan, 2013–2015, and the Education Strategic Framework, 2007–2015. However, the statement clearly identified 'in relation to quality practice, the payment and training of teachers, relevant curriculum, effective management, community awareness about the value of ECCE and children's access and participation in ECCE' as challenges to the implementation of ECCE services.
Strengthening the rule of law is widely regarded among traditional donors, multilateral institutions, and a growing number of middle income and fragile states as a necessary precondition for sustainable peace, poverty alleviation, and development. Crime and violence deter investment and lower employment, undermine social institutions, and divert resources through direct and indirect costs, all of which hinder development. It is likely to disproportionately affect poor and marginalized populations by limiting access to basic services. The formal criminal justice system is seen in many environments as failing to deliver justice. Most states experiencing fragility do not have the capacity to effectively prevent crime, enforce laws, or peacefully resolve disputes across the whole of their territories. There is another powerful deterrent for communities to seek redress through state criminal justice institutions: they are frequently a primary instrument for the government and elites to maintain power and control through the perpetration of injustice. The informal system, however, is alone insufficient to handle the pressing justice requirements of fragile states, not least for preventing and responding to inter-communal conflict, to serious organized and cross-border crime, and to public corruption and other 'white collar' crime.
The problems of employment have become a central global concern in recent times. This makes nearly all the governments and development partners to be fully engaged in finding a lasting solution to the problems. In the past, development planning efforts were concentrated on the development of a modern industrial sector. It was believed that this would serve the domestic market and facilitate the absorption of redundant or surplus workers in the urban economy. It was also the belief that rapid economic growth and development would be achieved. The study is structured into five chapters. While chapter one looks at the background to the study, the terms of reference and the structure of the report, chapter two focuses on copious relevant literature on skills development bringing out the conceptual definitions, theoretical and empirical issues in the informal sector of the economy. Chapter three presents the methodology of how training providers as well as the beneficiaries of the programs were surveyed in the study. Chapter four gives the inventory of the programs for the informal sector skills development and a detailed analysis of five most important non- state-run programs in the country. Chapter five forms the conclusions and recommendations of the work.
Obecnie niewiele miejsca poświęca się w opracowaniach historycznoliterackich nurtowi Nowego Dziennikarstwa. Szczególnie w Polsce czytelnik lub badacz rzadko ma okazję dostrzec to zjawisko. W Stanach Zjednoczonych w latach sześćdziesiątych i siedemdziesiątych cieszyło się ono dużą popularnością i wzbudzało ogromne zainteresowanie. Wielu Nowych Dziennikarzy zdobyło sławę i miano celebrytów. W Polsce autorzy reprezentujący owe dziennikarstwo są mało znani, a ich twórczość tylko sporadycznie pojawia się w księgarniach. Powodem takiej sytuacji może być obawa tłumaczy i wydawców przed ograniczeniami związanymi z nieznajomością kontekstu kulturowego i polityczno-historycznego tekstów. Uważam, że jeśli taki jest powód niewielkiej popularności tego nurtu w Polsce, to należałoby zachęcić do sięgnięcia po lekturę dzieł takich kronikarzy jak Tom Wolfe czy Hunter Thompson. Bowiem twórczość autorów Nowego Dziennikarstwa dostarcza czytelnikowi ogromnej wiedzy o sytuacji politycznej, społecznej i kulturowej Ameryki drugiej połowy XX wieku, wyjaśnia przedstawione wydarzenia i obszernie je komentuje. Teksty Nowych Dziennikarzy wpisują się także w dyskusję nad tym jaką rolę tekst dziennikarski odgrywa w dostarczaniu wiedzy o świecie i interpretowaniu rzeczywistości. W mojej książce pragnę dowieść, że teksty z nurtu Nowego Dziennikarstwa są szczególnie ważnym źródłem wiedzy o kontrkulturze lat sześćdziesiątych. Fakt ten jest często ignorowany w badaniach kontrkultury, które skupiają się najczęściej tylko na analizie dokumentów historycznych i socjologicznych a zapominają o, w równej mierze ważnych, literackich reprezentacjach epoki lat sześćdziesiątych. Lata sześćdziesiąte w Stanach Zjednoczonych były erą burzliwych przemian społecznych, masowych rozruchów, antywietnamskich protestów, rewolucji seksualnej, zamachów politycznych, strajków studenckich, demonstracji, które wstrząsały Amerykanami. Nie byli oni w stanie zrozumieć tempa przemian oraz wydarzeń, których byli świadkami. W tym okresie zamordowano prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych, Johna Kennedy'ego, zastrzelono Martina Luthera Kinga, represjonowano walczącą o swobody życiowe część społeczności amerykańskiej. Codziennością stało się uczestniczenie w masowych pogrzebach ciał przywożonych z Wietnamu żołnierzy. Dziennikarze i reportażyści próbowali wytłumaczyć ludziom skomplikowaną naturę otaczającej ich rzeczywistości. By sytuację unaocznić, przedstawić zrozumiale i wyczerpująco musieli zastosować nowe sposoby i metody obrazowania i przedstawiania świata. Zmienili dotychczasowe środki wyrazu, użyli narracji, monologu wewnętrznego, dialogu, bogatych opisów świata, nadali koloryt widzianym obrazom. Tak powstało jedno z ciekawszych zjawisk literackich tamtej epoki – Nowe Dziennikarstwo, którego twórcy odpowiadali na zapotrzebowania społeczne analizując i komentując ważne wydarzenia polityczne i kulturalne Ameryki. Rysując skomplikowaną rzeczywistość Nowi Dziennikarze stworzyli reportażowo-literacki styl, zawierający socjologiczne i historyczne walory. Żywiołowo relacjonowali także rozwijającą się kulturę popularną, byli głównymi kronikarzami kontrkultury i czasów hippisowskich. Przede wszystkim jednak Nowe Dziennikarstwo i jego twórcy okazali się wspaniałymi charakteryzatorami jednostek. Poprzez opis zachowań postaci, ich sposobu mówienia, stylu ubierania, miejsc zamieszkania, charakteru wykonywanych przez nie prac dawali obraz ówczesnego społeczeństwa kontestującego. Celem niniejszej książki jest analiza wybranych tekstów Nowego Dziennikarstwa, która pozwala lepiej zrozumieć kontrkulturę i obyczaje Ameryki lat sześćdziesiątych, scharakteryzować ówczesną sytuację, oraz umożliwić dostrzeżenie wszystkiego w jaskrawych i wyraźnych kolorach. Kluczem do analizy stała się teoria nowego historyzmu, który przywrócił dziełom literackim kontekst historyczny, nie traktując tekstu jako autonomicznego tworu, a osadzając go w kontekście kulturowym. Literatura bowiem przekazuje społeczne, polityczne i kulturowe nastroje, ukazując ducha danej epoki. Nowi historycyści postrzegają ją jako źródło historyczne, odzwierciedlające realną rzeczywistość. Chcąc przedstawić nieodzowny kontekst do analizy kontrkultury, próbuję w rozdziale pierwszym przedstawić tło historyczne buntu i udział w nim prekursorów – hipsterów i bitników. Dalej zmierzam do przedstawienia wybuchu rebelii hippisowskiej w latach sześćdziesiątych, opisuję również społeczne i kulturowe przyczyny powstania kontrkultury, analizuję wydarzenia, które doprowadziły do upadku ruchu hippisowskiego. W rozdziale drugim skupiam się na okolicznościach narodzin i charakterystyce Nowego Dziennikarstwa, przedstawiam jego prekursorów, ich twórczość oraz głosy krytyki. Wskazuję też na fakt podniesienia rangi dziennikarstwa i przyczynienia się do jego rozwoju i rozpowszechnienia. W rozdziale trzecim zajmuję się genezą wymienionych niżej tekstów i przedstawiam sylwetki ich autorów. W drugiej części książki analizuję poszczególne powieści i artykuły prasowe Nowego Dziennikarstwa, które w całości skupiają się na ruchu hippisowskim i jego upadku. Analiza obejmuje powieści: Próbę kwasu w elektrycznej oranżadzie (1968) Toma Wolfa, Lęk i odrazę w Las Vegas (1971) Huntera Thompsona, esej Joan Didion Slouching Towards Bethlehem (1968), artykuły Richarda Goldsteina: Psychedelic Psell (1967), The Catcher In the Haight (1967), Love: A Groovy Idea While He Lasted (1967), San Francisco Bray (1967) oraz artykuły Huntera Thompsona: Why Boys Will Be Girls (1967), The 'Hashbury' Is the Capital of the Hippies (1967), The Hippies (1967). W książce wykorzystuję również do analizy fragmenty Hell's Angels. Anioły piekieł (1966) Huntera Thompsona, The Armies of the Night (1968) Normana Mailera, Loose Change (1977) Sary Davidson oraz We Are The People Our Parents Warned Us Against (1968) Nicholasa Von Hoffmana. Głównymi kryteriami wyboru tekstów były kontrkulturowe treści w nich zawarte oraz przynależność ich autorów do nurtu Nowego Dziennikarstwa. Analiza wspomnianych tekstów pozwala na scalenie i szerokie zobrazowanie integralnych elementów kontrkultury. W mojej książce opisuję rolę kontrkulturowych liderów, którzy w ogromnej mierze przyczynili się do rozszerzenia ruchu hippisowskiego i propagowania idei kontestacyjnych. Wskazuję na używanie środków poszerzających świadomość jako nieodłączną część buntu lat sześćdziesiątych. Opisuję hippisowskie komuny, życie w atmosferze wolnej miłości i rewolucji seksualnej. Analizuję komuny jako alternatywny sposób życia oraz jako formy protestu przeciw establishmentowi. Ukazuję rolę muzyki, tekstów piosenek, wydarzeń muzycznych i muzycznych idoli w czasach kontrkultury. W dalszej części książki omawiam czynniki, które w późnych latach sześćdziesiątych doprowadziły do upadku kontrkultury. Analiza kończy się zobrazowaniem komercjalizacji ruchu hippisowskiego, schyłku dekady lat sześćdziesiątych, upadku kontrkultury i koncepcji "American Dream". Śmiem twierdzić, że teksty, które wyszły spod pióra Nowych Dziennikarzy nie są dziś jedynie kulturowym artefaktem. Są bogatym źródłem wiedzy na temat kontrkultury lat sześćdziesiątych oraz częścią dziejów Stanów Zjednoczonych. Przedziwne i często zdumiewające wydarzenia, opisywane przez autorów, mogą stanowić źródło silnych i głębokich przemyśleń. Są jednocześnie jak ożywczy wiatr, który otwiera okiennice okna i pozwala na szersze, wyraźniejsze widzenie świata i jego spraw, oglądanych dotychczas tylko przez szparę owych okiennic. Szeroko otwarte okno jest metaforą odbierania świata widzianego nie wyłącznie przez "szkiełko i oko", ale wzbogaconego uczuciami Nowych Dziennikarzy, ich świeżym spojrzeniem, ich młodymi opiniami, interpretacją, dziennikarską swobodą i swadą. Należy podkreślić, że teksty Nowych Dziennikarzy są ważną i nierozerwalną częścią historii, stanowią dokumenty, które powinny być traktowane na równi z tekstami czysto literackimi, historycznymi i socjologicznymi. 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