Suchergebnisse

Niniejsza praca jest próbą analizy oddziaływania praktyk komunikacyjnych w mediach społecznościowych prowadzonych przez ugrupowania polityczne i ich wpływu na motywacje i zachowania wyborcze pokolenia Y. Artykuł powstał w oparciu o wyniki badania "Wybory z perspektywy młodych" przeprowadzonego w październiku 2015 r. przez agencję Odyseja Public Relations przy współpracy z Mobile Institute i Brand24. Badanie zrealizowano metodą CAPI na próbie 1341 polskich internautów powyżej 15. roku życia.

This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters' electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate's behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act. ; This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters' electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate's behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act.

Główna hipoteza badawcza postawiona w artykule brzmi: Zmiany pokoleniowe w Polsce miały wpływ na zachowania wyborcze elektoratu w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2019 roku. Celem autora było ukazanie zależności pomiędzy zachowaniem wyborczym, płynnością elektoratu a wynikiem wyborczym ugrupowań politycznych, które przekroczyły próg wyborczy; PiS, Koalicja Obywatelska, SLD, PSL, Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość. W artykule podjęto próbę analizy szeregu czynników określających (warunkujących) zachowania wyborcze elektoratu. Tekst ma charakter interdyscyplinarny, problem badawczy został przeanalizowany z perspektywy politologicznej, socjologicznej i filozoficznej. Weryfikując hipotezę postawioną w pracy, zauważono, iż występuje duże prawdopodobieństwo, że zmiany pokoleniowe miały częściowy wpływ na zachowania wyborcze elektoratu oraz wynik wyborczy poszczególnych komitetów wyborczych. Próba odpowiedzi na postawione pytanie badawcze może wnieść istotny wkład w dalsze badanie procesu zachowań wyborczych w wyborach parlamentarnych.

In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy. ; Monografia powstała ona w wyniku analizy procesu wyborczego tzw. przełomu politycznego związanego z wyborami czerwcowymi 1989 r. Jest to studium zdarzeń i zjawisk z tamtego okresu, z okręgu wyborczego nr 14 Chojnice, który to okręg do Sejmu PRL obejmował w wyborach kontaktowych całą północną część województwa bydgoskiego i był jednym ze 108 takich okręgów w Polsce. W książce przedstawiono zarówno genezę decyzji politycznych stojących za wyborem przedterminowych wyborów w 1989 r. przez reżim komunistyczny, jak i między innymi proces wyłaniania liderów na listy wyborcze. Zaprezentowano postawy polityczne, kontekst społeczno-polityczny, stanowisko lokalnych struktur Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej i jej działaczy wobec perspektywy głębokich przemian politycznych, które zapowiadały wybory czerwcowe, jak i też zaprezentowano reakcje powyborcze chojnickich komunistów. Dokonano także analizy porównawczej, według podstawowej jednostki jaką była gmina, ukazując zróżnicowanie postaw również w odniesieniu do przynależności etnograficznej wyborców w okręgu wyborczym nr 14. Analizie poddano także wybory do Senatu, koncentrując się na przebiegu kampanii, kandydatach oraz wynikach z terenu północnej części województwa bydgoskiego. Całość studium jest wynikiem analizy materiałów źródłowych - tj. dokumentów Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, Rady Państwa oraz Komitetu Miejskiego PZPR w Chojnicach i Komitetu Gminnego PZPR w Chojnicach oraz relacji i wspomnień.

In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.

Presidential elections in Poland have always drawn more voters to the ballot box than parliamentary ones. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, the turnout in the 2020 presidential elections was the second-highest since 1989. The glib answer might be that voters were simply availing themselves of the opportunity to leave the house, however briefly, since COVID-19 measures had largely confined people to their homes for most of the year. More likely, albeit paradoxically, heightened voter interest was triggered by political autocratisation, the other plague that Poles have been struggling with, in this case since 2015. The election was won by the incumbent, Andrzej Duda, whose advantage was credited to his appeal among less-educated and older people living in rural areas. In the end, the governing Law and Justice (PiS) party, which had backed Duda's campaign, managed to avoid cohabitation-related inconvenience for the second time. ; Wybory prezydenckie w Polsce zawsze przyciągały więcej wyborców niż parlamentarne. Pomimo pandemii COVID-19 frekwencja w 2020 r. była niemal najwyższa od 1989 r. Może się wydawać, że wyborcy zwyczajnie skorzystali z okazji, żeby wyjść z domu, ponieważ restrykcje wprowadzone z powodu pandemii znacznie ograniczyły swobodę poruszania się. Paradoksalnie, bardziej prawdopodobne może być jednak wyjaśnienie, że zwiększone zainteresowanie wyborców wynikało z postępującej autokratyzacji systemu – kolejnego wyzwania, z jakim Polacy mierzą się od 2015 r. Wybory zakończyły się reelekcją Andrzeja Dudy, który zawdzięczał swe zwycięstwo między innymi poparciu wśród słabiej wykształconych i starszych mieszkańców obszarów wiejskich. W rezultacie rządząca partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, która wsparła Dudę w kampanii wyborczej, ponownie zdołała uniknąć problemów wynikających z kohabitacji.

Presidential elections in Poland have always drawn more voters to the ballot box than parliamentary ones. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, the turnout in the 2020 presidential elections was the second-highest since 1989. The glib answer might be that voters were simply availing themselves of the opportunity to leave the house, however briefly, since COVID-19 measures had largely confined people to their homes for most of the year. More likely, albeit paradoxically, heightened voter interest was triggered by political autocratisation, the other plague that Poles have been struggling with, in this case since 2015. The election was won by the incumbent, Andrzej Duda, whose advantage was credited to his appeal among less-educated and older people living in rural areas. In the end, the governing Law and Justice (PiS) party, which had backed Duda's campaign, managed to avoid cohabitation-related inconvenience for the second time. ; Wybory prezydenckie w Polsce zawsze przyciągały więcej wyborców niż parlamentarne. Pomimo pandemii COVID-19 frekwencja w 2020 r. była niemal najwyższa od 1989 r. Może się wydawać, że wyborcy zwyczajnie skorzystali z okazji, żeby wyjść z domu, ponieważ restrykcje wprowadzone z powodu pandemii znacznie ograniczyły swobodę poruszania się. Paradoksalnie, bardziej prawdopodobne może być jednak wyjaśnienie, że zwiększone zainteresowanie wyborców wynikało z postępującej autokratyzacji systemu – kolejnego wyzwania, z jakim Polacy mierzą się od 2015 r. Wybory zakończyły się reelekcją Andrzeja Dudy, który zawdzięczał swe zwycięstwo między innymi poparciu wśród słabiej wykształconych i starszych mieszkańców obszarów wiejskich. W rezultacie rządząca partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, która wsparła Dudę w kampanii wyborczej, ponownie zdołała uniknąć problemów wynikających z kohabitacji. ; 2 ; 27 ; 45 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

Stanowiska obu stron wobec kluczowych kwestii dotyczących społeczeństwa izraelskiego, odsłania zmagania pomiędzy dwoma społecznymi orientacjami na temat kształtu państwa Izrael. Jedna z nich prawicowa, reprezentuje żydowską etniczną tożsamość, wywodzącą się z żydowskiej tradycji i dąży do zachowania żydowskiego charakteru państwa. Druga liberalna tożsamość, reprezentuje orientację opowiadającą się za otwartym demokratycznym państwem w duchu wartości francuskiej rewolucji. Przez pierwsze trzy dekady, Izrael był we władaniu partii o orientacji lewicowej i świeckiej, które przyczyniły się do ukształtowania obywatelskiej tożsamości o proweniencji liberalno-świeckiej. Jednak w 1977 r. paradygmat ten radykalnie się zmienił, po dojściu do władzy prawicowo-religijnych ugrupować, które zdecydowanie opowiedziały się za tożsamością żydowską. Umocnienie prawicowych partii oraz ugrupowań religijnych ukazuje fundamentalną zmianę w społeczeństwie izraelskim. Konsekwencją umocnienia tożsamości żydowsko-etnicznej jest przyjęcie przez władze izraelskie dychotomicznego obrazu świata i zajęciu bezkompromisowego stanowiska wobec różnych kwestii w Izraelu jak i w stosunkach międzynarodowych, włączając w to Unię Europejską. Obecna struktura społeczeństwa izraelskiego wskazuje, że tendencja do utrzymania tożsamości żydowsko-etnicznej mocni się w najbliższych latach, pogłębiając rozdźwięki pomiędzy Izraelem a Unią Europejską. ; The positions of the political parties in Israel on the central issues that concern the Israeli society reveal a struggle between two social orientations regarding the desired character of the State of Israel. At one extreme stands the Jewish ethnic identity that draws its origins from the Jewish tradition and aspires to guaranty the Jewish nature of the state. The civic liberal identity that stands at the other end represents the aspiration of an equal and democratic state in the spirit of the values of the French Revolution. For the first thirty years, Israel was ruled by left-wing socialist and secular parties who cultivated the civic identity. However, in 1977 a political upheaval occurred when the right-wing and religious parties took power and since then have operated to promote the Jewish ethnic identity. The strengthening of right-wing parties reveals a fundamental change in Israeli society. A consequence of the strengthening of the Jewish ethnic identity is the adoption of a dichotomous world view by the Israeli government and uncompromising positions toward the international arena, including the EU. The current structure of Israeli society, together with the trend for the coming years, suggests the strengthening of the Jewish ethnic identity, and therefore the political gap between Israel and the EU widening.

The positions of the political parties in Israel on the central issues that concern the Israeli society reveal a struggle between two social orientations regarding the desired character of the State of Israel. At one extreme stands the Jewish ethnic identity that draws its origins from the Jewish tradition and aspires to guaranty the Jewish nature of the state. The civic liberal identity that stands at the other end represents the aspiration of an equal and democratic state in the spirit of the values of the French Revolution. For the first thirty years, Israel was ruled by left-wing socialist and secular parties who cultivated the civic identity. However, in 1977 a political upheaval occurred when the right-wing and religious parties took power and since then have operated to promote the Jewish ethnic identity. The strengthening of right-wing parties reveals a fundamental change in Israeli society. A consequence of the strengthening of the Jewish ethnic identity is the adoption of a dichotomous world view by the Israeli government and uncompromising positions toward the international arena, including the EU. The current structure of Israeli society, together with the trend for the coming years, suggests the strengthening of the Jewish ethnic identity, and therefore the political gap between Israel and the EU widening. ; Stanowiska obu stron wobec kluczowych kwestii dotyczących społeczeństwa izraelskiego, odsłania zmagania pomiędzy dwoma społecznymi orientacjami na temat kształtu państwa Izrael. Jedna z nich prawicowa, reprezentuje żydowską etniczną tożsamość, wywodzącą się z żydowskiej tradycji i dąży do zachowania żydowskiego charakteru państwa. Druga liberalna tożsamość, reprezentuje orientację opowiadającą się za otwartym demokratycznym państwem w duchu wartości francuskiej rewolucji. Przez pierwsze trzy dekady, Izrael był we władaniu partii o orientacji lewicowej i świeckiej, które przyczyniły się do ukształtowania obywatelskiej tożsamości o proweniencji liberalno-świeckiej. Jednak w 1977 r. paradygmat ten radykalnie się zmienił, po dojściu do władzy prawicowo-religijnych ugrupować, które zdecydowanie opowiedziały się za tożsamością żydowską. Umocnienie prawicowych partii oraz ugrupowań religijnych ukazuje fundamentalną zmianę w społeczeństwie izraelskim. Konsekwencją umocnienia tożsamości żydowsko-etnicznej jest przyjęcie przez władze izraelskie dychotomicznego obrazu świata i zajęciu bezkompromisowego stanowiska wobec różnych kwestii w Izraelu jak i w stosunkach międzynarodowych, włączając w to Unię Europejską. Obecna struktura społeczeństwa izraelskiego wskazuje, że tendencja do utrzymania tożsamości żydowsko- etnicznej mocni się w najbliższych latach, pogłębiając rozdźwięki pomiędzy Izraelem a Unią Europejską.

Chojnice's June '89. The local study of the shockwave process of democratization In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connec-ted with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has beenno empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliamentof People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoralconstituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate wereconducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constitu-ency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in BydgoszczProvince. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tendto be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and pheno-mena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in localconditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constitu-encies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local con-stituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based onprimary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorismto describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems;political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that politicalcompetition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington'stheory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitativeperspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatoryone. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is aboutlocal politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refersto the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to:continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carni- val of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989;political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; politicalwill of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the politicalsystem; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual natureof facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reali-ty; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections inChojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behaviorin Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural andethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots ontheir political choices.Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlightsnot only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergenceon local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fightbetween candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of PolishUnited Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, authorstresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members ofPUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles inthe northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election.The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary,bibliography, index and appendix.The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989.The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elec-tions to the Sejm and the Senate.The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local com-munists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change.The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence fromboth sides of the political conflict.The fifthh chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm andthe Senate.The sixth chapter shows election campaign.The seventh one shows election results.The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens inChojnice constituency.In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Choj-nice town, and Chojnice country.As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged aer empi-rical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People'sRepublic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power andauthority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selectedas democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudesin Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and thetradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest su-pport for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groupscalled Krajniacy and Borowiacy.

Barwińska Sylwia. Uwarunkowania społeczne absencji wyborczej polaków w pierwszych dziesięciu latach demokracji = Social conditions of election absenteeism by Poles in the first ten years of democracy. Journal of Health Sciences. 2014;4(16):282-288. ISSN 1429-9623 / 2300-665X. DOI 10.5281/zenodo.31210 http://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.31210 https://pbn.nauka.gov.pl/works/629222 http://journal.rsw.edu.pl/index.php/JHS/article/view/2014%3B4%2816%29%3A282-288 The journal has had 5 points in Ministry of Science and Higher Education of Poland parametric evaluation. Part B item 1089. (31.12.2014). © The Author (s) 2014; This article is published with open access at Licensee Open Journal Systems of Radom University in Radom, Poland Open Access. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial License which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. This is an open access article licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/) which permits unrestricted, non commercial use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the work is properly cited. This is an open access article licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/) which permits unrestricted, non commercial use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the work is properly cited. The authors declare that there is no conflict of interests regarding the publication of this paper. Received: 15.11.2014. Revised 05.12.2014. Accepted: 25.12.2014. UWARUNKOWANIA SPOŁECZNE ABSENCJI WYBORCZEJ POLAKÓW W PIERWSZYCH DZIESIĘCIU LATACH DEMOKRACJI Social conditions of election absenteeism by Poles in the first ten years of democracy Sylwia Barwińska Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy Streszczenie W artykule opisano determinanty społeczne absencji ...