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After a decade of research on the relationship between institutions and growth, scholars in this field seem to be divided. Economic institutions perform well in growth regressions and a body of literature argues that this supports the key importance of institutions for development. Other authors maintain that the type of constraints that the recent theoretical literature describes are the more stable political institutions, and these have been found to play no role in empirical growth analyses. In this paper we re-examine the role that institutions play in the growth process using cross-section and panel data for both developed and developing economies over the period 1970-2000. Our results indicate that the data is best described by an econometric model with two growth regimes. Political institutions are the key determinant of which growth regime an economy belongs to, while economic institutions have a direct impact on growth rates within each regime. These findings support the hierarchy of institutions hypothesis, whereby political institutions set the stage in which economic institutions and policies operate.

After a decade of research on the relationship between institutions and growth, scholars in this field seem to be divided. Economic institutions perform well in growth regressions and a body of literature argues that this supports the key importance of institutions for development. Other authors maintain that the type of constraints that the recent theoretical literature describes are the more stable political institutions, and these have been found to play no role in empirical growth analyses. In this paper we re-examine the role that institutions play in the growth process using cross-section and panel data for both developed and developing economies over the period 1970-2000. Our results indicate that the data is best described by an econometric model with two growth regimes. Political institutions are the key determinant of which growth regime an economy belongs to, while economic institutions have a direct impact on growth rates within each regime. These findings support the hierarchy of institutions hypothesis, whereby political institutions set the stage in which economic institutions and policies operate.

Addressed is the problem of abortion in Israel, focusing on four stages: (1) the nondecision stage in which abortion was submerged under the surface of public agenda; (2) the emergence of abortion as a public issue; (3) the legislative process; & (4) the stage of implementation. Abortion was subject to nondecision owing to religious & national attitudes sustained by legal provisions. The issue claimed legitimacy when it was defined in terms of national objectives, linking large families to social distress. The process of legislation was advanced by active elites, political parties, & favorable public attitudes. Abortion has been legalized, conditioned upon the approval of an official committee. The implementation of abortion policy, however, reveals that no genuine change has taken place; rather, there is only an incremental deviation from previous practices. The reasons for this incremental pattern are grounded in the structure of the political system & the norms of the political culture, both of which impede radical change in abortion policies. 3 Tables. AA.

This study of Plato's Protagoras seeks not only to advance the understanding of ancient sophistry, a task both important in its own right and essential to the study of the history of political thought, but also to lay a foundation for subsequent inquiries into the connection between ancient sophistry and the relativism characteristic of our age. According to the Protagoras, the chief difference between philosopher and sophist is that the latter wrongly believes himself to be beyond or above the concern for justice as a virtue; the examination of Protagoras' moral teaching, then, proves to be the key to understanding him and therewith the intellectual position he represents.

Abstracts This article is about the evolution of Europe after the Second World War from a Union for coal and steel to a common market and a political union, the European Union with a common currency – the Euro. The ups and down of the process of economic and social integration are addressed, as well as the possible ways towards the future. This future could either mean a new treaty from above or a better founding from the bottom. The Nobel Peace Prize for the European Union is supposed to be a burden but also a stimulus for further political integration and sustainable development. Dieser Artikel behandelt die Europas nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg von einer Gemeinschaft für Kohle und Stahl zu einem gemeinsamen Markt und einer politischen Union mit einer gemeinsamen Währung – dem Euro. Die Aufs und Abs der ökonomischen und sozialen Integration werden angesprochen, ebenso wie die möglichen Wege in die Zukunft. Die Zukunft könnte entweder einen neuen Vertrag von oben oder besser eine Grundlegung von unten bedeuten. Der Friedensnobelpreis für die Europäische Union mag sowohl eine Bürde aber auch eine Ermunterung für weitere politische Integration sowie nachhaltige Entwicklung sein.

1. An introduction to economics and the economics of education -- 1.1. Theory: a matter of necessity -- 1.2. The basics of economic theory -- 1.3. A final preliminary note -- 2. The basics of the economic model -- 2.1. An introductory statement -- 2.2. A more complex statement: the student's opportunity set -- 2.3. The student's preference structure -- 2.4. The logic of student choice -- 2.5. Concluding comments -- 3. Student preferences, abilities, and performance -- 3.1. Student preferences 3 -- 3.2. Student abilities -- 3.2.1. Different levels of initial achievement -- 3.2.2. Different aptitudes -- 3.3. Efficiency gains and the evaluation of the professor -- 4. Professor preferences, public goods, and student performance -- 4.1. Faculty choice and student achievement -- 4.2. Student quality and faculty effort -- 4.2.1. Different initial achievement levels -- 4.2.2. Different aptitudes -- 4.2.3. Different initial endowments and aptitudes -- 4.3. Classroom technology, teacher ability, and faculty effort -- 4.4. Teaching as a public good -- 4.5. Concluding comments -- 5. Is teaching the best way to learn? -- 5.1. The effects of student proctoring -- 5.2. The illusion of cost-benefit analysis -- 5.3. Optimum learning -- 5.4. Student aptitude once again -- 5.5. The institutional setting and educational change -- 6. The effects of grade inflation on student evaluation and performance -- 6.1. The model -- 6.2. Grade influation -- 6.3. Real grade influation -- 6.4. Empirical tests -- 6.5. Concluding comments -- 7. The evaluation and pay of faculty -- 7.1. Research findings: the effects of research and teaching on faculty pay -- 7.1.1. The Katz study -- 7.1.2. The Koch-Chizmar study -- 7.1.3. The Tuckman-Chapinski-Hagemann study -- 7.1.4. The Siegfried-White study -- 7.1.5. Interim summary of conclusion -- 7.2. Research findings: the influence of research on teaching effectiveness -- 7.3. The evaluation of faculty: the interactive effects of student and faculty efforts and academic freedoms -- 7.4. The pay system -- 7.4.1. The lump-sum pay method -- 7.4.2. Accountability -- 7.5. Concluding comments -- 8. Committees, "Comment Pollutions," and the internal governance of universities -- 8.1 Comments as public goods -- 8.2. The judgement of committeemen -- 8.3. Concluding comments -- 9. The citizenship argument for education -- 9.1. Citizenship, public goods, and economics -- 9.2. Public choice view -- 9.3. Counterarguments -- 9.4. Course content for rational students -- 9.5. Concluding comments -- 10. The academic market, intercollegiate sports, and academic standards -- 10.1. A supply and demand model of the education market -- 10.2. The impact of intercollegiate sports -- 10.3. Concluding comments -- 11. Cheating and chiseling -- 11.1. The prevalence of cheating -- 11.2. The effects of cheating -- 11.3. The rationality of cheating -- 11.4. Chiseling -- 12. Postscript.

This article situates the nature of the exile of Filipinos to the Marianas in the shared history of the Philippines and the Marianas. The links between the two can be traced to as far back as the voyages and travels of the Austronesians and Nusantao from the Philippines to the Marianas. The nature of exile was different before and after the arrival of the colonizers. The Marianas became a place of exile for Filipinos who opposed or criticized the Spanish and American colonial governments. A discussion is devoted to Apolinario Mabini, considered to be the most prominent exile at the time of the American rule in the Philippines.

We are currently witnessing an increasingly influential counterrevolution in political theory, evident in the dialectical return to classical political science pioneered most prominently by Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin. In this context, the work of the relatively unknown Aurel Kolnai is of great importance. Kolnai was one of the greatest thinkers of the twentieth century to place the restoration of common-sense evaluation and philosophical realism at the center of his philosophical and political itinerary. In this volume, Daniel J. Mahoney presents Kolnai's major writings in political philoso

Europe's capacity to explore the envisaged pathways that achieve its near- and long-term energy and climate objectives needs to be significantly enhanced. In this perspective, we discuss how this capacity is supported by energy and climate-economy models, and how international modelling teams are organised within structured communication channels and consortia as well as coordinate multi-model analyses to provide robust scientific evidence. Noting the lack of such a dedicated channel for the highly active yet currently fragmented European modelling landscape, we highlight the importance of transparency of modelling capabilities and processes, harmonisation of modelling parameters, disclosure of input and output datasets, interlinkages among models of different geographic granularity, and employment of models that transcend the highly harmonised core of tools used in model inter-comparisons. Finally, drawing from the COVID-19 pandemic, we discuss the need to expand the modelling comfort zone, by exploring extreme scenarios, disruptive innovations, and questions that transcend the energy and climate goals across the sustainability spectrum. A comprehensive and comprehensible multi-model framework offers a real example of "collective" science diplomacy, as an instrument to further support the ambitious goals of the EU Green Deal, in compliance with the EU claim to responsible research. ; publishedVersion