Achieving optimal fines for political bribery: A suggested political reform
In: Public choice, Band 77, Heft 4, S. 773-792
ISSN: 0048-5829
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In: Public choice, Band 77, Heft 4, S. 773-792
ISSN: 0048-5829
In: International Journal, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 258
In: Journal of political marketing: political campaigns in the new millennium, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 47-67
ISSN: 1537-7865
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 82-111
ISSN: 0022-3816
The attitudes & behaviors characterizing Argentine political life reflect the high levels of political normlessness, & differ from those of citizens who enjoy high levels of normative compliance. In 1965, interviews (number of cases = 2,014) were collected (as reported in J. Kirkpatrick, Leader and Vanguard in Mass Society: A Study of Peronist Argentina, Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1971, 234-238) which used four items to operationalize political normlessness. The items were: (1) the incidence of fair treatment from government offices, (2) the incidence of fair treatment from social control agents, (3) the likelihood that elected officials will keep promises, & (4) the incidence of public interest priority over private interests. Several other variables associated with political normlessness were analyzed. Statistical analysis indicates that Argentines who perceive their own competence do not display political normlessness, & the hypothesis is confirmed. Also as hypothesized, normlessness is related to feelings of powerlessness. Normlessness is negatively related to competence & unrelated to powerlessness on a personal level, & normlessness is related to powerlessness but not, as expected, negatively related to competence on a general level. These findings are partially comparable to those found in the United States. Sex may be a useful intervening variable, & women in Argentina hold a more traditional role than United States women. 7 Tables, Appendix. L. Kamel.
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 18, S. 267-299
ISSN: 0010-4140
Whether West European parties are representative of their electorates; based on address.
In: Nelson-Hall series in political science
World Affairs Online
In: Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 101-118
ISSN: 2719-7778
Authors consider political corruption and clientelism in the electoral process as destructive phenomena that violate the normal principle of society and artificially create obstacles within the political system. The understanding of clientelism by different authors as a component of political corruption, the conditions of its existence, as well as the consequences and influence on political power are analysed. Basing on the achievements of foreign scientists, the content and the essence of the concept of "electoral clientelism" is determined, the main reasons and preconditions of this phenomenon emergence are found, the authors' own definition, summarizing the known scientific approaches, is offered. The devastating impact of clientelism on the electoral process that results in violating the principle of competition between political forces, and further leads to the development of corruption in the power system, is elucidated. Varieties of electoral clientelism in accordance with the tasks set by corrupt subjects of the electoral process in order to gain an advantage over opponents during the voting are found out. Apart from the approach, where electoral clientelism provides material benefits to voters, an approach, where the voters are constantly informed of the clientele character data, basing on which the unfair politicians create a mobilization campaign, is considered. The authors showed their own vision of the connection between electoral clientelism and political corruption manifested in the occupation of political positions by ineffective candidates and further use of their powers for private purposes, which will threaten the long-term prospects of social development. A number of ways to regulate clientelism's impact on the electoral process, in particular through electronic voting introduction, established compulsory voting, agitation campaign financing control, severe penalties for clientele activity etc., are traced.
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 10, Heft 4, S. 745-757
ISSN: 0162-895X
ALTHOUGH CONSIDERABLE ATTENTION HAS BEEN PAID TO IDENTIFYING THE PROCESSES INVOLVED IN THE POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE, VERY LITTLE WORK HAS ADDRESSED THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN YOUNG PEOPLES' POLITICAL ACTIVITIES AND THEIR POLITICAL ATTITUDES. THIS PAPER REPORTS A STUDY OF 210 BRITISH 16-18-YEAR-OLDS AND ASSESSES THE LEVELS OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN THIS GROUP AND RELATES THESE TO POLITICAL ATTITUDES. THE RESULTS SUGGEST THAT GREATER LEVELS OF ACTIVITY ARE ASSOCIATED WITH INDIVIDUALS HOLDING LEFT-OF-CENTER POLITICAL VIEWS. SUCH INDIVIDUALS REPORTED PAYING GREATER ATTENTION TO TV AND NEWSPAPERS WITH A HIGH POLITICAL CONTENT AND HAVING MORE POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS WITH TEACHERS AND PARENTS. WHILE THE MORE ACTIVE WERE MORE LIKELY TO HAVE POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS, POLITICS WAS STILL NOT FOUND TO BE AN IMPORTANT TOPIC OF DISCUSSION AMONG PEERS.
In: American political science review, Band 85, Heft 1, S. 3
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American political science review, Band 80, Heft 2, S. 383
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American political science review, Band 73, Heft 1
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American political science review, Band 71, Heft 1
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American political science review, Band 64, Heft 2
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American political science review, Band 63, Heft 1
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American political science review, Band 63, Heft 3
ISSN: 0003-0554