Suchergebnisse

Remerciements 9. - Terminologie : histoires de mots 13. - Transcription 21. - Sigles 23. - Cartes 27. - Prologue: Guerres mystiques: grammaires croisées du politique et du religieux 33. - De la dimension religieuse des conflits et après-conflits ivoiriens 35. - Religion(s) au singulier et au pluriel 38. - Histoire immédiate, terrains sensibles, anthropologie polyphonique 40. - Chapitre I: L'insolence d'une quasi-guerre (2002-2007) 49. - Chronique : les échos prolongés de coups de feu dans la nuit 50. - Patriotisme pentecôtiste et guerre spirituelle 63. - L'univers rebelle : patriotisme laïque et mystique dozo 75. - Afflictions musulmanes dans le Sud loyaliste 98. - Des violences spirituelles à double visage dans le Grand Ouest 107. - Entre deux feux : déchirures catholiques 117. - A contre courant : initiatives interreligieuses 126. - Une lecture mystique de la guerre : diagnostic édifiant 132. - Chapitre II: Mirages de paix (2007-2010) 137. - Après les accords de Ouagadougou : le temps de l'embellie post-crise 139. - Messages de paix : initiatives catholiques 146. - Contributions musulmanes au retour de la paix civile 155. - Dans l'Ouest wè : cérémonie traditionnelle de purification de la terre167. - Ambivalences au sein de la mouvance éclatée des protestants et évangéliques 170. - Élections dans le viseur : dernière ligne droite 178. - Chapitre III: Apocalypse post-électorale (2010-2011 ) 183. - Chronique : cinq mois d'exception 185. - Violence physique, violence spirituelle 190. - Le credo pentecôtiste : Laurent Gbagbo, l'élu de Dieu 193. - Prophète de l'apocalypse : le phénomène Malachie Koné 201. - « Le temps de Dieu »? Ou : plus dure sera la chute 207. - Dégâts sociaux collatéraux : le clivage en partage ? 212. - Descente aux enfers : violences contre les musulmans dans le Sud 214. - « Le sang plus fort que le baptême » ? Compromissions et désunions catholiques 228. - Désarrois et repositionnements en milieux protestants et évangéliques 238. - Anarchie spiritu

The aim of this paper is to examine how religion and ethnicity can help bring about national integration in Nigeria. Nigeria became an independent nation in 1960 with the hope that Nigerians will be integrated with one another for the purposes of co-existence, administration, and development of the nation. But this seems to be difficult. Since the colonial periods and up till now, there have been ethnic and religious crises that made the concept of national integration seem impossible. Ethno-religious crises in Nigeria are deeply rooted and is threatening the very survival of the country as a nation. Often times are intra and inter religious crises. The question is: how can this violence work for national unity, integration and development? It has negative consequences on the socio- economic and political lives of the people. To the extent that matters which ought to have been resolved are unnecessarily ethicized. It is obvious that the grievances which normally aggravate ethnic religious crises are most often than not revealed through sectarian crises, tribal unrest, bitter political complaints, and violent insurgents, among others. However, the question of national integration is of necessity and not a matter of choice. The study used historical method of analysis for optimal results. The findings reveal that there has been ethnic and religious crises in the country since its inception as an independent nation and the need for the pursuit on the issue in order to proffer lasting solution to check mate the disintegration that may be raised by ethno-religious disturbances. The study recommends among others that the subject of national integration should not be overlooked, but rather it should be encouraged, embraced and put into practice by Nigerians in order to promote unity, integration and national development in the country.

This article discusses the psychosocial and the psychoreligious conditions that have allowed the emergence of a religious group in Costa Rica's social and political life since 2018. This is done while considering the psychosocial scenarios that emerged from the appearance of an unusual political group, so far, in the Costa Rican society. An analytical and interpretative reading is done trying to add arguments in favour of the inequality hypothesis. To discuss this hypothesis, we follow the ideas of recognition of free religious movements, the inclusion of the other and the subjective and socioaffective articulation that can be promoted by an inciting democracy. Incitement would oppose the institutional.complacency that ignores the most disadvantaged groups, products of inequality ; En este artículo se discuten las condiciones psicosociales y psicoreligiosas que han permitido la irrupción de un grupo político en la vida social y política costarricense a partir del año 2018. Esto se hace sin dejar de examinar los escenarios psicosociales que se abren a partir de la irrupción de un grupo político inusual, hasta ahora, en la sociedad costarricense. Se hace una lectura analítica e interpretativa tratando de añadir argumentos a favor de la hipótesis de la desigualdad. Para discutir dicha hipótesis se siguen las ideas de reconocimiento de los movimientos religiosos libres, la inclusión del otro y la articulación subjetiva y socioafectiva que puede ser promovida por una democracia incitativa. La incitación se opondría a la autocomplacencia institucional que ignora a los grupos más desfavorecidos por la desigualdad.

"The effects of globalization and the momentous changes to the political map of Europe have led to a world in which multiculturalism and ethnic differences have become issues of increasing importance. In Nordic countries, relationships between new immigrants, local ethnic groups and majorities are created in ongoing and sometimes heated discussions. In transforming multicultural societies, folklore has taken on new manifestations and meanings. How can folklore studies illuminate the present cultural, political and historical changes?
""Creating Diversities. Folklore, Religion and the Politics of Heritage"", edited by Anna-Leena Siikala, Barbro Klein and Stein R. Mathisen, seeks answers to this question. It emphasizes two important factors in the cultural and political exchanges among historical minorities, recent immigrants, and the majority groups dictating the conditions of these exchanges. The first factor is religion, which is a powerful tool in the construction of ethnic selves and in the establishment of boundaries between groups. The second factor is the role of national and regional folklore archives and ethnographic and cultural historical museums which create ideas and images of minorities. These representations, created in different political climates, affect the general understanding of the people depicted.
Fifteen well-known folklorists and ethnographers from Norway, Sweden, Finland, Estonia and the United States offer insights and background material on these problems. In addition to immigrants and ethnic minorities in the Nordic countries, especially the Sámi, examples are sought from among the Finno-Ugrian minorities in Russia and the Nordic population in North America.
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In his early writings, dealing mainly with problems of agricultural policy, Max Weber at times differentiates between "class" and "estate", but in general he treats them as synonyms. Only after 1909, when he started to work on Economy and Society and Economic Ethic of the World Religions, he felt the necessity to use these concepts in a more clear-cut manner. "Classes" are only placed within the economic order, while "estates" belong to the social order and take shape through the partition of «social prestige» or «honor», which in turn derives from different sources, including the religious ones. This essay explores the forms of religious stratification which arise from the knowledge of rituals and precedents, from the knowledge of the Sacred Scriptures, or from a specific knowledge of the conditions of possibility of redemption. ; Nell'opera giovanile di Weber, che si occupa prevalentemente di problemi di politica agraria, i concetti di "classe" e "ceto" vengono talvolta distinti ma perlopiù utilizzati come sinonimi. Solo a partire dal 1909, nel corso del suo lavoro a Economia e società e all'Etica economica delle religioni universali, Weber ha avvertito l'esigenza di una maggiore differenziazione concettuale. Le "classi" hanno il loro posto esclusivamente nell'ordinamento economico, mentre i "ceti" sono collocati nell'ordinamento sociale, formandosi attraverso la suddivisione del «prestigio sociale» o «onore», che a sua volta deriva da diverse fonti, tra cui anche quelle di tipo religioso. Il saggio studia le forme della stratificazione religiosa, che nascono dalla conoscenza del rituale e dei precedenti, dalla competenza nella scrittura o da uno specifico sapere riguardante le condizioni di possibilità della redenzione.

Appropriating Gender explores the paradoxical relationship of women to religious politics in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. Contrary to the hopes of feminists, many women have responded to religious nationalist appeals; contrary to the hopes of religious nationalists, they have also asserted their gender, class, caste, and religious identities; contrary to the hopes of nation states, they have often challenged state policies and practices. Through a comparative South Asia perspective, Appropriating Gender explores the varied meanings and expressions of gender identity through time

Although the George W. Bush administration has utilized religion to support its foreign policy agenda & advocacy of global democracy, it is stressed that previous administrations have utilized religious rhetoric & metaphors to advance the international spread of liberty. Three religious features of US religious rhetoric are identified: the US is a chosen nation; the US possesses a mission to transform the world; & the US represents the forces of good in the struggle against evil. The origins of US religious rhetoric in national politics & foreign policy are traced back to 17th century Protestant millennialism imported from Western Europe; even though Protestant millennialism is grounded upon an apocalyptic religious mentality, scrutiny of historical US foreign policy demonstrated that success in international relations & foreign policy was frequently predicated on an non-cataclysmic understanding of the US's position within the global order. It is subsequently asserted that the Bush administrations foreign policy agenda has embraced a millennialist mentality but that this perspective has failed to achieve democratization via apocalyptic confrontation throughout the Middle East. The consequences of the Bush administrations inability to recognize its foreign policy failures are also pondered. J. W. Parker

This article reviews Bob Tollison's conjoint contributions to the burgeoning area of the economics of religion, underscoring his integration of public choice and interest-group themes into the microeconomic analysis of faith-based organizational architecture, institutional decision making and doctrinal innovation. Beginning with study of the medieval Catholic Church, moving forward to the Protestant Reformation and beyond, it supplies a timeline of developments and the major findings of each phase of his research program. Adapted from the source document.

The nationalisation of religion is introduced in this article as the condition in which the secular interests and values of the state are articulated and enacted by religious organisations or individuals participating in public life. It has two attributes: (1) performances are shrouded in a nationalistic character that renders the religious significantly invisible and as a result; (2) the prevailing political order proceeds unquestioned. To make its case, the article draws from the experiences of the youth of Soka who perform in public events such as the National Day Parade and Chingay in Singapore. These performances are some of the ways in which Soka presents itself as a cultural organisation working for peace and progress in Singapore. For them, it is about sending a message that individual and collective struggles can be overcome and that in spite of their differences, people can come together.

El presente artículo analiza en profundidad el contexto general en el que se encuentra la enseñanza de las religiones minoritarias en el Estado español. Centramos nuestra atención en el caso concreto de andalucía (extensible al caso español) y, en dos de las tres religiones que han firmado acuerdos de Cooperación con el Estado español: la evangélica y la islámica. El marco político y legislativo garantiza el derecho de los padres a que sus hijos reciban formación religiosa y moral, acorde a sus convicciones, en la escuela pública. Sin embargo, la puesta en práctica de los derechos de estos grupos, está siendo insignificante en una sociedad española cada vez más plural y multirreligiosa. ; This article analyzes in depth the general context of the teaching of the minority religions in the Spanish State. We focus on the specific case of andalusia (extensible to the Spanish case), and on two of the three religions that have signed Cooperation agreements with the Spanish State: the Evangelical and the Islamic religions. The legislative framework guarantees the parents the right to religious and moral education for their children, according to their beliefs, in public schools. However, putting these rights in practice is being insignificant in the more and more plural and multireligious Spanish society.

AbstractUsing data from the American National Election Studies, Poole-Rosenthal DW-Nominate scores, and data on the religious affiliations of members of the United States House of Representatives, I show that religion has important independent effects on the evaluation of candidates' ideologies. The results suggest that candidates affiliated with evangelical Christianity will tend to be seen as more conservative than ideologically similar candidates from mainline Protestant denominations. Jewish candidates, in contrast, will tend to be seen as more liberal than ideologically similar mainline Protestants. Additionally, the use of religion-based stereotypes varies with frequency of church attendance. These findings attest to the external validity of recent experiment-based research on religion-based political stereotypes. The approach employed here also allows for the estimation of the magnitude of the effects of such stereotypes. The results shed light on both the importance of religion in election campaigns and the factors that influence perceptions of candidates' ideologies more generally.