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This study focuses on two cases of transition from authoritarian rule to democracy and their outcomes, namely South Africa and Romania. It discusses the transition to multi-party democracy, the consequent changes in the security environment and the current role and posture of these countries in their respective regions

chapter By way of introduction: motivation for study -- chapter 1 Church and war: a change in hermeneutical stance among Pentecostals -- chapter 2 The Bible and violence, and Christians -- chapter 3 Ideology as violence: apartheid as a case study -- chapter 4 A distinctive Pentecostal hermeneutic? -- chapter 5 The theory and theology of just war: a Pentecostal reflection -- chapter 6 Synthesis.

This paper draws on political attitudes surveys conducted at the time of general elections to study the interplay of social inequalities, changing social structures, and racial cleavages in South Africa since 1994. I analyze the link between voting behaviors and the main socioeconomic characteristics of voters, in particular income, education level, wealth, race, and their interactions. I document extreme socioeconomic political divides, which are strongly, though not entirely explained by South Africa's exceptional racial inequalities. The gradual decline of the dominant African National Congress since 1994 has been driven by the shift of the new Black middle class towards opposition parties.Growing abstention among the youth and the lower-educated has further eroded support for the ANC. I also put South Africa's cleavage politics in comparative perspective, focusing on how the transformation of dominant-party systems in new democracies plays a role in crystallizing new sociopolitical identities.

This paper draws on political attitudes surveys conducted at the time of general elections to study the interplay of social inequalities, changing social structures, and racial cleavages in South Africa since 1994. I analyze the link between voting behaviors and the main socioeconomic characteristics of voters, in particular income, education level, wealth, race, and their interactions. I document extreme socioeconomic political divides, which are strongly, though not entirely explained by South Africa's exceptional racial inequalities. The gradual decline of the dominant African National Congress since 1994 has been driven by the shift of the new Black middle class towards opposition parties.Growing abstention among the youth and the lower-educated has further eroded support for the ANC. I also put South Africa's cleavage politics in comparative perspective, focusing on how the transformation of dominant-party systems in new democracies plays a role in crystallizing new sociopolitical identities.

This paper draws on political attitudes surveys conducted at the time of general elections to study the interplay of social inequalities, changing social structures, and racial cleavages in South Africa since 1994. I analyze the link between voting behaviors and the main socioeconomic characteristics of voters, in particular income, education level, wealth, race, and their interactions. I document extreme socioeconomic political divides, which are strongly, though not entirely explained by South Africa's exceptional racial inequalities. The gradual decline of the dominant African National Congress since 1994 has been driven by the shift of the new Black middle class towards opposition parties.Growing abstention among the youth and the lower-educated has further eroded support for the ANC. I also put South Africa's cleavage politics in comparative perspective, focusing on how the transformation of dominant-party systems in new democracies plays a role in crystallizing new sociopolitical identities.

The Southern African region's water-related problems are quite diverse. From the struggles of indigenous communities in Botswana to the cholera outbreaks in Zimbabwe; from the difficulties of poor communities in accessing basic water services to the disputes between municipal councils and individual well-to-do water users, it is abundantly evident that water security is a goal/vision that needs to be pursued by governments. Yet, much of the holistic scholarly focus on water security within the region has been on transboundary water management, to the exclusion of local/national water constitutional frameworks. Through four cases from Botswana, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe the paper addresses selected aspects of the varied water issues, in particular the constitutional right to water and how that impacts on water security within the region. The literature and case law reviewed in the paper indicate that while there are benefits to constitutionalising the right to water as a fundamental right, courts are still able to read the right to water into existing rights, especially the right to life. However, reading in has its own limitations, including that courts sometimes leave hanging/unpronounced government duties/responsibilities where the right to water is not provided for. Accordingly, the paper attempts to show that while the right to water could be read into other existing rights like the right to life, water security could be better achieved through an independent constitutional human right to water, which creates constitutional duties on the state.Keywords: Water security; human right to water; Mazibuko case; Mosetlhanyane case; Nyasulu case; Strümpher case; Mushoriwa case

AbstractDoes coethnicity with the President affect public infrastructure provision in South Africa? Using municipal‐level data for 52 district municipalities from 1996 to 2016, we find that municipalities coethnic with the President are associated with higher water infrastructure provision relative to non‐coethnic municipalities. Taking into account various political considerations, results show that ethnic favouritism occurs due to ethnic altruism. Our findings remain robust to different specifications of coethnicity thresholds and are applicable to electricity infrastructure provision. Results suggest that in order to minimise ethnic favouritism, politically independent institutions should oversee the allocation of funding and provision of infrastructure.

How are resources allocated within extended families in developing economies? This question is investigated using a unique social experiment: the South African pension program. Under that program the elderly receive a cash transfer equal to roughly twice the per capita income of Africans in South Africa. The study examines how this transfer affects the labor supply of prime-age individuals living with these elderly in extended families. It finds a sharp drop in the working hours of prime-age individuals in these households when women turn 60 years old or men turn 65, the ages at which they become eligible for pensions. It also finds that the drop in labor supply is much larger when the pensioner is a woman, suggesting an imperfect pooling of resources. The allocation of resources among prime-age individuals depends strongly on their absolute age and gender as well as on their relative age. The oldest son in the household reduces his working hours more than any other prime-age household member.

Since Apartheid, the South African government transformed and expanded the social grants system to improve the well-being of its vulnerable populations. Despite increased efforts, a sub-section of the grant-eligible population is not reached. Too little is known about the factors that contribute to grant receipt, especially for the household as a whole. This paper examines the household and community characteristics associated with grant receipt among poor households in KwaZulu-Natal. We add to previous work by assessing grant receipt at the household level, examining receipt of the two major grants and analysing correlates in a multivariate framework. While associations with grant receipt are complex and varied, we find higher grant receipt (especially Child Support Grant) among more disadvantaged households. We also find that characteristics across multiple domains are needed to best distinguish household grant receipt. We discuss theoretical implications for models of grant receipt and practical implications for improving grants access.

This paper was part of the proceedings of the first national conference organized by IDASA in Port Elizabeth, South Africa, on 8-9 May, 1987. The author argues that there will never be democratic government in South Africa unless two propositions are much more widely accepted than at present: (1) in political matters, always start with freedom rather than with power; (2) in economic matters, always start with welfare rather than with property rights