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In an environment of decolonization and Sino-British disagreement, the Hong Kong people are reevaluating their status relating to the transfer of sovereignty from Britain to China. This is coupled with a sense of anomie resulting from the rapid shift to a postindustrial, postmodern era. The return to China could bring authoritarianism, yet movement toward postindustrialism and postmodernism represents liberalism. How do Hong Kong people cope with these two dialectically opposed sociopolitical and socioeconomic processes? This article explores how individuals and families cope with political uncertainty through negotiating emigration and marriage strategies. In selecting their strategies, they face dislocation in their host countries. All the while they must wrestle with issues of loyalty and identity; they must answer to themselves, ultimately to the Chinese government, and to the government of their adopted home.

University students in Hong Kong in the mid-1990s will begin careers & families of their own during the initial phase of the Special Administrative Region government of the People's Republic of China. Here, excerpts from student papers written in 1995 at the U of Hong Kong are used to examine their reactions to Hong Kong's changes by exploring the tensions embedded in the student experience. It is argued that students feel responsible to family & Hong Kong, as well as to China, & such claims mirror not only the transitory identity of students, but the broader societal identity peculiar to Hong Kong. Various characteristics of the two claims, as well as the difficulties involved in moving from one to another -- claim jumping -- can be seen by considering student historical & experiential dimensions. Adapted from the source document.

Book reviewed in this article:Michael Foot. By Mervyn Jones.Japan Among the Powers 1890–1900. By Sidney Giffard.Experiences of China. By Percy Craddock.Sowing the Seeds of Democracy in China. By Merle Goldman.Cultural Policy and Urban Regeneration: The West European Experience. Edited by Franco Bianchini and Michael Parkinson.Urban Policy in Britain: the City, the State and the Market. by Rob Atkinson and Grahamoon.Citizens and Subjects. By Tony Wright.Politics in an Anti‐Political Age. By Geoff Mulgan.A Conservative Revolution: The Thatcher‐Reagan Decade in Perspective. By Andrew Adonis and Tim Hames.Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Arab World. By Nazih Ayubi.The Revenge of God: The Resurgence of Islam, Christianity and Judaism in the Modern World. By Gilles Kepel.Religion in Third World Politics. By Jeff Haynes.Tower Block: Modern Public Housing in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. By Miles Glendinning and Stefan Muthesius.

The gist of what I want to say by way of introduction was suggested to me during my recent visit to Hong Kong and China. Reading about the events which led up to the establishment of the British presence on the South China coast in the 1830s and 1840s, I was struck, once again, by two things. The first is the way in which the 1838 Anglo-Turkish Convention was so obviously part of a world-wide movement of European self-assertion, spearheaded by a coalition of merchants, military men and politicians. The second concerns the essentially dramatic nature of the confrontation between European might and the declining power of the states and empires whose commercial practices it sought to control—the kind of drama which doesn't always get properly represented in history textbooks, let alone works of political economy.

Since a 1981 review of health status and health services in Shanghai County, there have been considerable social and economic changes in the People's Republic of China. A major question currently is the impact of the new economic "responsibility system," which was introduced in 1982, on the cooperative health structure and the "barefoot doctors" (BFDs). Investigators in other areas of China have reported the collapse of the cooperative systems and a shift in the role of the BFDs as a result of incentives for them to spend more time in agricultural production. In Shanghai County, however, BFDs continue essentially full time as before, salaried by the brigade, with fee-for-service charges prohibited. Recent evidence from Shanghai County shows that the health care system and those who direct it can remain flexible and respond positively to changes in the social, economic, and political structures.

The author examines economic aspects of the six countries belonging to the association and their dependence on the world capitalist economy. He analyses the foreign policy activities of the ASEAN countries especially with the neighbouring states of Indo-China - Vietnam, Kampuchea and Laos. The leading imperialist powers are anxious to consolidate their influence in the Southeast Asian area. Foreign capital does not limit itself to economic expansion and superprofits. It actively interferes in the internal affairs of the ASEAN countries forcing them to pursue home and foreign policies to its liking. It does its utmost to draw the ASEAN countries into the military orbit of imperialism, to push them along the road of confrontation with Indo-China, the countries of which have entered the road of socialist development. (International Political Science Association)

Based on documentation and in-depth interviews with 14 emigrants from China; this study traces changing perceptions of China's social structure by different urban social groups. Each group adopted a perspective that best served its own interests. In the fifties and sixties these images did not necessarily coincide with—but nonetheless were within—the bounds of the image propagated by the Chinese authorities. During and since the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution, a new perception of society has been formulated particularly by people from the former middle classes: the issue centers on whether a new bureaucratic class has emerged in China. The article closes with a discussion of the authorities' recent attempts to redefine popular images of the social structure in response to a changed social reality and China's eagerness to modernize.

Our first main result proves that every element of order 4 of a Sylow 2-subgroup S of a minimal non-2-nilpotent group G, is a real element of S. This allows to give a character-free proof of a theorem due to Isaacs and Navarro (see [9, Theorem B]). As an application, the authors show a common extension of the p-nilpotence criteria proved in [3] and [9]. ; The first and the second authors have been supported by the grant MTM2014-54707-C3-1-P from the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad, Spain, and FEDER, European Union. The first author has been also supported by a project from the National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC, No. 11271085) and a project of Natural Science Foundation of Guangdong Province, China (No. 2015A030313791)

From about 750 to 1100, China experienced a series of economic changes roughly comparable to the subsequent patterns of European growth from the Crusades to the eve of the French Revolution. The spread in the use of money, development of new credit and fiscal institutions, increase in interregional and international trade, and colonization of hitherto marginal land which took place in the Occident during the half millennium preceding the Reformation was paralleled by an earlier era of progress in East Asia during the two-hundred-fifty years from the rebellion of An Lu-shan (755) to the treaty of Shan-yüan 1004). And the achievements of late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century England, which John Nef terms an "early industrial revolution," were in many respects even exceeded by the impressive expansion of mining and manufacturing in eleventh-century China.

While the West is occupied with the cold war, an economic test is slowly shaping in Asia. Upon its outcome may depend the political beliefs and allegiance of half the world's people. The issue may be stated simply, although the forces at work are complex and intricate: Can India, with a population of 360 million, under the democratic process, with free elections and a mixed economy similar to mat of many Western nations, meet the national aspirations for economic betterment and a more abundant life more fully and more rapidly than Communist China, with its totalitarian rule of 500 million people and its forced labor, forced investment, and forced production? In spite of all the propaganda about progress in Communist China, it is probable that the Indian record of actual achievement is more impressive, though less well publicized.

The fifth annual Conference of the Food and Agriculture Organization met at Washington from November 21 to December 6, 1949. Five additional countries were admitted to FAO bringing the total membership to 63: Afghanistan, Indonesia, Israel, Korea and Sweden. No action was taken on the application of Spain. It was decided that the permanent headquarters of the organization should be established in Rome, after a final ballot in which 30 votes were cast for Rome and 28 for the United States. The Conference directed the FAO Council to appoint a headquarters advisory committee to which were named the representatives of China, France, India, Mexico, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Pakistan, Venezuela, Yugoslavia, Burma, and Belgium were elected to the Council replacing China, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, the Netherlands and the Philippines. The United Kingdom was re-elected.

Issue of the Catholic periodical and literature index, The Sign. ; D Day and After by Fabian Flynn, C.P. Square Peg by John B. Kennedy Are the Reds Getting Religion? by N. S. Timasheff From Panats Maker to Politician by Leo Egan Pilate by Alfred Duffy, C.P. Ripe for Revolt by H. G. Quaritch Wales Accion Nacional: Men and Ideas by Richard Pattee Postlude to Summer by Maureen Daly You Gotta Give by Priscilla Ferry The Propaganda Weapon by Ralph Gorman, C.P. Current Fact and Comment The Passionists in China: -Academy Vignettes by Caspar Caulfield, C.P. -"Boys' Town" in China by Harold Travers, C.P. Personal Mention Magnificat - Poem by Grace Elizabeth Racer Sign Post: Questions and Answers Stage and Screen by Jerry Cotter Categorica Woman to Woman by Katherine Burton Letters Books Fiction in Focus by John S. Kennedy

China's lifting nearly 800 million people out of poverty in 70 years is the most remarkable achievement in human history. In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the Belt and Road Initiative, which will revitalize the historic Silk Road and mark the twenty-first century. The Belt and Road Initiative is an initiative that will play a role in reducing poverty by creating new job opportunities through infrastructure work, economic aid and commercial revival. According to the World Bank's Sustainable Development 2030 report, China's Belt and Road Initiative predicts that countries will develop by achieving Global Sustainable Development. Through the Belt and Road Initiative investments, China's successes in fighting poverty are conveyed to poor countries in Africa, South Asia and the Middle East, reducing and eliminating global poverty. This study examines the role that China will play in reducing global poverty based on the investments made by China in the Belt and Road Initiative and the 2030 projections made by various institutions, including the World Bank and United Nations.

Over the last 40 years ASEAN has developed a set of goals and norms with regard to the conduct of regional and international relations that provide an alternative paradigm to the dominant contemporary Western liberal approach to 'global' governance. ASEAN's alternative paradigm is rooted in Asia's cultures and the region's colonial and Cold War experiences. Using an historical institutionalist approach, the analysis details the paradigm's central features - the importance of neutrality; sovereignty and territorial integrity; the peaceful settlement of disputes; informal, non-confrontational negotiations; and the promotion of domestic stability and social harmony - which together underscore the importance of state autonomy and non-interference in the affairs of other states. The paradigm's influence in global affairs has increased markedly in recent years, most notably as the ASEAN-China linkage has matured and China has given its strong support to ASEAN's approach to the conduct of international relations. This turn of events suggests that the ASEAN paradigm presents a significant challenge to Western hopes for a common approach to 'global' governance. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

This article discusses Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian's China policy and the impact this has on the cross-strait relationship. Chen is unlikely to deviate from the pro-independence stand of the Democratic and Progressive Party (DPP). For the short-term, Beijing has good reason not to use force, but resorts to both well-calculated pressure (on the DPP) and concessions (to the opposition), in the hope that this may eventually weaken the DPP. This "neiwai jiaokun" (internal trouble and external pressure) may emasculate Chen's will and ability to push for independence. Even a declaration of independence by Taiwan, if without U.S. support, will be manageable to Beijing, which has been psychologically, politically, and militarily prepared for such a contingency. The declaration can only pose a threat if it is used by a major foreign power for other objectives. Therefore, the Chinese reading of U.S. strategic intentions is crucial in deciding what action China will take on Taiwan. (Contemp Southeast Asia/DÜI)