Suchergebnisse

Research Highlights and Abstract Through an analysis of recent foreign policy discourse, in particular the UK approach to stabilisation, the article identifies distinctive similarities and continuities in the patterns of ethically-minded foreign policy, employed by the 1997–2010 Labour government and the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition. The article makes a fresh engagement with the concept of Good International Citizenship, arguing for a much more overt engagement, by policymakers, with the concept, to help address some of the shortcomings associated with both Labour and the Coalition's attempts to incorporate ethical obligations into British foreign policy. This article examines the interaction between the idea of Good International Citizenship and the recent evolution of UK foreign and security policy. Good International Citizenship centres on the mediation of ethical commitments to national interest, to the promotion international order, and to the wellbeing of vulnerable non-citizen populations. Whilst ethical commitments to non-citizens have become overt components of British foreign policy, recent UK governments have struggled to reconcile these with commitments to the national interest and a stable international order. The article argues that the more direct affirmation of Good International Citizenship as a narrative and ethos of practice for UK foreign policy might help further the increasingly open discussion on the ethics and UK foreign policy. As a framework for dialogue and public debate, the concept provides a means by which ethical commitments in the traditionally closed world of foreign policy might be opened up to wider critical scrutiny.

The pursuit of civil nuclear power, frequently justified in the name of national energy security, paradoxically entangles most states in long-term interdependencies with the few countries that can supply nuclear technologies. These interdependencies are insufficiently documented and poorly understood. This article presents and analyzes a new dataset of nuclear cooperation agreements signed or announced between 2000 and 2015. We find that Russia and the US dominate international technological nuclear cooperation, with the US' dominance particularly prominent in safety and security and Russia's in nuclear power plant construction, reactor and fuel supply, decommissioning and waste. When it comes to these technologies, Russia is the supplier in approximately half of all agreements; France, the US, China, Korea, and Japan together account for another 40%. All in all, six countries are suppliers in over 90% of all international nuclear agreements, a far higher supplier concentration than in oil and gas markets. These results show that the global future of nuclear power depends as much on international cooperation as on national motivations and capacities. Effective policies and institutions supporting the safe use of nuclear power should therefore be directed at managing its international as well as national aspects.

The pursuit of civil nuclear power, frequently justified in the name of national energy security, paradoxically entangles most states in long-term interdependencies with the few countries that can supply nuclear technologies. These interdependencies are insufficiently documented and poorly understood. This article presents and analyzes a new dataset of nuclear cooperation agreements signed or announced between 2000 and 2015. We find that Russia and the US dominate international technological nuclear cooperation, with the US' dominance particularly prominent in safety and security and Russia's in nuclear power plant construction, reactor and fuel supply, decommissioning and waste. When it comes to these technologies, Russia is the supplier in approximately half of all agreements; France, the US, China, Korea, and Japan together account for another 40%. All in all, six countries are suppliers in over 90% of all international nuclear agreements, a far higher supplier concentration than in oil and gas markets. These results show that the global future of nuclear power depends as much on international cooperation as on national motivations and capacities. Effective policies and institutions supporting the safe use of nuclear power should therefore be directed at managing its international as well as national aspects.

The standardization versus adaptation argument has been raging for years and international marketing research about it has spanned some four decades, attesting to its far reaching theoretical and practical relevance. The purpose of this paper is to review the literature on this debate. Major theoretical and empirical contributions from companies' and consumers' points of view are presented. The importance of resolving this issue cannot be underestimated as it as an impact on segmentation in international markets, through identifying, targeting, and positioning vis-à-vis the changing nature of homogeneous versos heterogeneous groups of consumers across markets. The shift of emphasis can be translated bay the change from an international to a global strategy. The implications and repercussion of the standardization discussion in terms of segmentation are, consequently, also reviewed. Europe has provided an especially meaningful scenario for this international marketing controversy. Indeed, the reinforcement of the political and economic integration, resulting in the institution of the European Union in 1992, fostered a renewal of the discussion that had been debated mainly in the context of the internationalization of American companies. Thus a special attention is given to the question of globalization in the context of Europe. ; Fundação para a Ciência e ...

Online education is a new trend in higher education, which has significant implications for social work education within the global context. The ease of access to the Internet internationally and the development of web-management systems, such as, Blackboard, are creating easy access for faculty and students to interact in an online learning environment. A course titled, International Social Work, was taught using an online global classroom with students residing in their home countries of the USA, Hong Kong, South Africa, Mexico and Australia. The course was designed to introduce students to international social work and the theories and perspectives that underpin current thinking and practice in international social work. Students explored how historical, environmental, cultural, religious, political and economic factors impact social welfare policies and the delivery of human services in different regions of the world. Students engaged in critical thinking and analysis of global social welfare issues including poverty, child welfare, health, issues particular to women and the results of catastrophic events including conflict and natural disaster. Students and faculty participated weekly in blogs, a course "coffee shop", discussion boards, live online class lectures, and critical thinking exercises. Qualitative data was collected from the weekly blogs and discussion boards. Analysis of the data revealed that the online global course had a positive impact on the students' views toward international social work, an increase in their desire to address international issues in their professional goals, and an increase in networking with each other across countries. The use of technology presents both challenges and opportunities for global social work education and teaching across borders. The authors will discuss the logistical challenges as well as the outcomes of this international teaching collaboration.

ABSTRACT
Despite the popularity of using games to teach international relations, few works directly assess their effectiveness. Furthermore, it is unclear if games help all students equally, or if certain students are more likely to benefit than others. Finally, how closely the game must mirror the concept being taught to be an effective pedagogical tool has received scant attention. We address these points by discussing the use of an updated version of the classic American election game, Consensus, to help illustrate the role of domestic political coalitions in an international political economy course. Assessing the performance of 39 students via a pre- and post-quiz, we find that student performance improved overall, particularly among frequent gamers.

Enjoying control over knowledge production, epistemic communities are central to international politics in guiding decision-maker learning. Yet, we do not understand fully the extent of epistemic community influence on diverse issue areas and the ways in which they drive international regimes. To illustrate an epistemic community's impact, we investigate the role of experts in the EU, the OSCE and the Council of Europe within the European minority rights regime. Conceptually, we argue that a hierarchy among experts matters for the epistemic community's influence via policy innovation, diffusion and persistence. Empirically, we track the operation of these mechanisms in the context of EU enlargement as experts on minority rights influence standard-setting, monitoring and standard expansion. Adapted from the source document.

Deals with international concern for children, culminating in their being recognized as subjects of international law; national and international implications, especially in the field of armed conflict. The Child Welfare Charter of 1924 (Declaration of Geneva), adopted by the League of Nations, the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), and subsequent conventions and covenants, and children's rights and war.