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"During the Cold War, political tensions associated with the division of Germany came to influence the world of competitive sport. In the 1950s, West Germany and its NATO allies refused to recognize the communist East German state and barred its national teams from sporting competitions. The construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 further exacerbated these pressures, with East German teams denied travel to several world championships. These tensions would only intensify in the run-up to the 1968 Olympics. In Bidding for the 1968 Olympic Games, Heather L. Dichter considers how NATO and its member states used sport as a diplomatic arena during the height of the Cold War, and how international sport responded to political interference. Drawing on archival materials from NATO, foreign ministries, domestic and international sport functionaries, and newspapers, Dichter examines controversies surrounding the 1968 Summer and Winter Olympic Games, particularly the bidding process between countries to host the events. As she demonstrates, during the Cold War sport and politics became so intertwined that they had the power to fundamentally transform each other"--

"A state's financial power is built on the effect its credit, property, and tax policies have on ordinary people: this is the key message of Leonard Seabrooke's comparative historical investigation, which turns the spotlight away from elite financial actors and toward institutions that matter for the majority of citizens. Seabrooke suggests that everyday contests between social groups and the state over how the economy should work determine the legitimacy of a state's financial and fiscal system. Ideally, he believes, such contests compel a state to intervene on behalf of people below the median income level, leading the state to broaden and deepen its domestic pool of capital while increasing its influence on international finance. But to do so, Seabrooke asserts, a state must first challenge powerful interests that benefit from the concentration of financial wealth." "Seabrooke's novel constructivist approach is informed by economic sociology and the work of Max Weber. This book demonstrates how domestic legitimacy influences the character of international financial orders. It will interest all readers concerned with how best to transform state intervention in the economy for the good of the majority."--Jacket

The article highlights the geopolitical aspects of the international tourism development in Ukraine as a global phenomenon that carries out economic, social and international and political action. In today's world, tourism has become a powerful industry, a huge complex in which the economic and social spheres are connected. The importance of tourism in international economic activity is constantly growing, and the market itself is acquiring new trends and features, affecting trade, transport and communications, agriculture and construction. The processes of globalization in the tourism market are characterized by changes in technology, modernization of transport infrastructure, internationalization of business activity and the creation of a regulatory mechanism. The potential of world tourist flows as factors of geopolitical influence is revealed, the structure of which reflects and influences the tendencies of international interaction. The main geopolitical factors influencing the dynamics and spatial organization of international tourist flows are structured. The world market of tourist services has a clear segmentation character. The main criteria for segmentation are motivational, age and regional ones. The general tendencies of development of the international tourism, a role and a place of Ukraine in the international tourist market are characterized. It is predicted that China will become the most popular tourist country in the near future. It is determined that due to the growth of intercontinental ties, which is based on the rapid development of vehicles and, above all, jet aircraft, as well as the desire of a significant number of people to visit the most remote and exotic corners of the Earth, tourism exchange between regions will develop more intensively than within regions. However, there is a growing tendency to increase the exchange of tourists between neighboring countries under conditions of normal relations between them and between countries with related languages. The main world events that have affected tourist flows in recent years are listed: Brexit, COVID-19, military actions in Eastern Ukraine and others. The analysis of international tourist flows in Ukraine was done, in particular their dynamics and spatial structure during 2010-2019 in the context of military-political aggression by Russia and the aggravation of Ukrainian-Russian interstate relations. It is established that the current dynamics of the international tourist flow in Ukraine is characterized by a sharp decrease in international visitors, slowing down the development of tourism and reformatting the spatial structure of the incoming and outgoing tourist flow. It is also noted that among the main factors hindering the development of the Ukrainian tourism industry are the unsatisfactory state of development of infrastructure and logistics of tourism, high prices, environmental and criminal risks, low innovation activity of tourism enterprises. It is concluded that international tourism is not only a passive participant in international relations, but also an active political actor who is able to act as a channel for establishing international trust and cooperation, a factor in maintaining political stability.

While the current international and transnational anti-corruption campaign (ITACC) has been successful in calling worldwide attention to the topic, several critics have argued that the term corruption and the concepts that underlie it are ambiguous and that corruption and anti-corruption have various meanings. This paper empirically explores these supposedly divergent meanings by comparing the ITACC with the anti-corruption discourse in Paraguay. In order to explore not only the tensions but also possible coalitions between the ITACC and the Paraguayan discourse, I have conducted discourse analysis and constructionist interviews. The empirical exploration shows that differences, and thus tensions, exist between both levels with respect to the causes and effects attributed to corruption, as well as with regard to the ultimate goal of the fight against corruption. However, there also is a strong discourse coalition between the ITACC and Paraguay concerning concrete countermeasures, which indicates the dominance of the international anti-corruption approach in the Latin American country. Very different actors with divergent understandings of corruption are able to act collectively against corruption via this discourse coalition, while still interpreting these actions according to their respective political agendas.

This article explores the social and governmental geographies of colonial Delhi, India. It seeks contrasts and comparisons between two periods in the city's history. The first period is delimited by the 'Mutiny' of 1857 and the transfer of the capital of British India to the city in 1911. The second period ends in 1947 with Indian independence and marks Delhi's time as part of the capital region. The focus of study across these periods is the way in which governmental rationalities were devised to deal with the biopolitical problem of the prostitute. The first period saw a focus on disciplining prostitutes and registering brothels so as to protect the military from venereal disease. The second period saw an increasing focus on the health risks that prostitutes posed to the broader population, and the emergence of extra-governmental agencies that sought to implement programmes of social and moral hygiene in Delhi. Across both periods, Delhi was shaped by national and international forces, both within and without government, yet the social geographies of the city bequeathed legacies of the nineteenth century to the interwar era that international hygienists had to negotiate.

On 10 January 2007, the European Commission introduced its new energy and climate change policy. This package of measures brings together diverse proposals put forward to the EU Council, which has convened in early March under the German Presidency to determine the goals of the EU's future climate change and energy policy. Since the time is growing short for negotiations on international climate policy prior to the Kyoto Protocol's expiration in 2012, the adopted recommendations of the Strategy Paper also point the way for international developments. The cornerstones of the package include setting a target for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions, strengthening the emissions trading scheme, increasing energy efficiency, expanding the use of renewable energies, and increasing support for new technologies. What signals does this strategy send to other major industrialized countries and to the rapidly growing newly industrialized countries? How should it be evaluated in the context of the debate on a global climate regime after 2012 and given the alarming recent findings reported by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change?

La mondialisation de la dernière décennie et donc l'interdépendance accrue entre les nations de la planète tout entière font de la période actuelle une période de profondes mutations qui représentent des menaces, mais aussi des opportunités. Malgré la déroute des projets de grande envergure (socialiste et tiers-mondiste) et même si la mondialisation néolibérale représente indiscutablement une tendance forte et durable, le rapport des forces en présence n'est pas à sens unique pour autant. La conjoncture internationale est en effet incertaine et instable. Les mouvements sociaux peuvent tirer parti d'une situation moins polarisée et cristallisée qu'à l'époque de la guerre froide. Comme en témoignent la mobilisation des organisations non gouvernementales internationales (ONGI) lors des nombreux sommets et conférences organisés par l'ONU (Rio, Beijing, Copenhague…) ou la forte participation lors des forums sociaux mondiaux, la société civile se fait à nouveau entendre aujourd'hui sur la scène mondiale. Cet article cherche à dégager les lignes de force de cette nouvelle situation dans laquelle des mouvements sociaux ont aujourd'hui une part active après avoir été longtemps sur la défensive.

PurposeThe paper seeks to examine the evolving international strategies of Europe's incumbent telecommunications operators. The aim is to develop a typology of how these different operators have sought to position themselves within an internationalising marketplace.Design/methodology/approachThe objectives of the paper were addressed through a multiple case study analysis of 15 incumbent telecommunication operators within Western Europe. The approach was essentially strategic, seeking to develop an awareness of how each of these operators' corporate strategy has adapted to the challenges of internationalisation. The nature of this response will be defined by a broad typology.FindingsFour types of strategy were found to exist, most of which were defined by the scale of the business. The research found that most operators were developing international strategies based on developing an effective competitive presence in the European region. There was only limited evidence of operators developing a global strategy. Some operators have attempted such a strategy but have since retreated from such offensive strategies.Originality/valueThe work highlights how businesses that have a dominant core domestic market are affected by internationalisation in both a proactive and a reactive manner.

This study makes use of a political economy/rational choice framework to shed light on the nature of cooperative security arrangements in the international environment. It argues that states choose among security arrangements with varying degrees of structural commitment and that two factors are crucial in explaining the degree of institutionalization elected—the level of threat in the international system and the magnitude of transaction costs. Since there is no common metric, like price, to ascertain the degree of transaction costs that allies are confronted with, the study relies on three proxy measures: uncertainty, heterogeneity, and asset specificity. Focusing on Swiss security provisions at the end of the Napoleonic Wars and drawing on the findings of two security arrangements examined in a larger study—the German Confederation of 1815 and the founding of NATO—the analysis shows that, when exposed to serious external threat and high transaction costs, states give rise to sophisticated, binding security structures. To demonstrate the broad applicability of the transaction costs framework, the concluding section sketches recent integrative moves within the European Union.