Suchergebnisse

International research collaborations improve individual, institutional and governmental capacities to respond to health crises and inequalities but may be greatly affected by political environments. Iran ranks highly in tertiary education, productivity growth, knowledge impact and successful patent applications. In many countries, economic hardship has correlated with increased international research collaborations. Some have hypothesised that financial constraint drives scholars to seek outside collaborations for cost and risk sharing, and to access funding, materials and patient populations otherwise unavailable. This paper explores the history and importance of US political sanctions on the health of Iran's academic sector. Although Iran's international research collaborations increased during periods of increased sanctions, the Pearson correlation coefficient between gross domestic product and international research collaborations was not significant (r=0.183, p=0.417). This indicates that other factors are at least in part responsible. Additionally, we found Iran's quantitative (eg, publication number) and qualitative (eg, visibility indices) publishing metrics to be discordant (two-tailed Mann-Kendall trend; p<0.0002 for both). Reasons for this are multifactorial, including increased indexing of Iranian journals, willingness of lower visibility journals to handle manuscripts with Iranian authors, widespread linkage of career advancement to science visibility indices, and others. During periods of increased sanctions, Iranian scholars were increasingly denied opportunities to publish scientific findings, attend scientific meetings, access to essential medical and laboratory supplies and information resources. We conclude that academic boycotts violate researchers' freedom and curtail progress. Free exchange of ideas irrespective of creed is needed to optimize global scientific progress.

"The Routledge International Handbook on Social Development, Social Work, and the Sustainable Development Goals answers the question: What is the contribution of social development and social work to the Sustainable Development Goals? The success of the SDGs requires implementation, and each of the 17 objectives for sustainable social progress have a social dimension. The SDGs, like the MDGs before them, were born of a larger social development movement which over the last 25 years has become increasingly mainstream in the fields of international development, sustainability, and social work. These practitioners are essential to the implementation of the SDGs. This handbook examines how the SDGs are being implemented in diverse contexts. No previous work has surveyed social development and social work's contribution to the SDGs nor represented voices from the Global South on the SDGs. This book broadens the current literature by focusing on key sites throughout the Global South and featuring underrepresented voices from Africa, Asia, and Latin America. These regions are vitally important to assessing the SDGs, as this is where innovative social development projects are occurring, and where social workers are playing a leading role in achieving the SDGs. Divided into eight parts: - Context of Social Development, Social Work, and the SDGs - Perspectives on the SDGs - Case Studies on Engagement with the SDG Agenda - Case Studies on Ending Poverty - Case Studies on Health and Wellbeing - Case Studies on Gender Equality - Case Studies on Climate and Sustainability - Case Studies on Governance, Peace, and Justice and comprised of 35 newly written chapters by 74 authors, it will be of interest to a broad interdisciplinary audience of scholars, educators, and students in the fields of social development, social welfare, social work, social policy, human rights, international relations, political science, international affairs, sustainability, community development, area studies, and development studies"--

The aim of this paper is to confront the diplomatic ambitions of the European External Action Service (EEAS) with the reality of EU and international law. Treaty provisions as well as policy documents and statements of EU officials reveal a development in the direction of a strengthened role for the EU itself as a diplomatic actor. The findings underline a continued tension between the EU's diplomatic ambitions and EU and international law as it stands. In relation to the EU's internal structures, there is no doubt that in the new EU institutional landscape dividing lines remain firmly in place. Yet, the working arrangements do point to 'holistic' thinking implying cooperation and reciprocity. In addition the paper argues that the EU's ambitions sit uncomfortably with traditional state-centred international diplomatic law. Extensive diplomatic activity of the EU depends on the acceptance by the willingness of third states to accept the EU as a diplomatic actor.

Recent public opinion research has established an empirical regularity of unusual stability and strength: citizen beliefs in the legitimacy of national and international institutions are highly linked. The dominant interpretation of this link holds that citizens draw on their perceptions of national institutions as a heuristic when forming opinions about international institutions. This article proposes an alternative mechanism, privileging social trust as an antecedent factor contributing to both national and international legitimacy beliefs. Using original survey data on citizen attitudes toward four international institutions in three countries, the article provides evidence for social trust as an antecedent factor, while granting no support for the dominant interpretation. The article suggests three broader implications: social trust has more far-reaching consequences for international cooperation than previously understood; political efforts to affect the legitimacy of international institutions are constrained by individual predispositions; and a comparative approach is central to the study of public attitudes toward international institutions.

Introduction -- Theories, methodologies and hypotheses -- Technical Part -- Gathering Input: Interviews with central actors of the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme and the Californian Cap and Trade Program -- Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) -- Linking possibilities in practice: The case of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme and the California Cap and Trade Program -- Two schemes, two designs: Opposing policy targets? -- Conclusion.

Introduction: NATO and sport? -- Travel restrictions, state symbols, and East German recognition in sport -- The Berlin Wall and the ending of free travel in sport -- NATO's small states asserting their power -- The 1968 candidate cities confront Olympic demands for free travel -- The NATO working group on the 1968 Olympics -- The 1968 Olympic host city elections --Decisions revisited -- Conclusion: To Grenoble and beyond.

Abstract
What is the relation between sexuality and the international? The literature on sexuality within international studies demonstrates that a full appreciation of contemporary transformations of sexuality across the globe requires an interrogation of the divisions—West/non-West, North/South, or core/periphery—that characterize our view of the international. While many have studied how the transnational circulation of sexual discourses troubles such divisions, fewer have asked how they came about in the first place. Historical materialism is uniquely instructive in this regard. This methodology expounds the division of the international into distinct spheres as historically constituted and founded on capitalist social relations. Such a methodology can be found within the intellectual writings of the gay liberation movement. Through their fraught relationship with the Cuban government, which represented them as a cultural imperialist offensive against the newly formed Communist state, the gay liberationists developed a dialectical conception of the international that acknowledged the differential constitution of sexual life within specific contexts, yet sought to reveal the international systems of power that produce and regulate those seemingly distinct sexual formations across international divides. Gay liberationism, this article argues, offers us a rich tradition for developing accounts of sexuality within a stratified capitalist world order.