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This article examines compliance with international laws prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants in interstate war, specifically focusing on the role of third-party states in enforcement. We argue that the expectation of third-party coercion, when sufficiently high, can induce war participants to comply with this body of law. We identify the conditions under which combatant states will anticipate a high likelihood of coercion, demonstrating that third-party states are most likely to coerce combatants when they have both the willingness and opportunity to do so. Democratic third parties that value the rule of law and human rights possess the willingness to coerce war participants, while strong allies, trade partners, and intergovernmental organization (IGO) partners with existing ties to the combatant state have the opportunity to engage in coercion by linking combat-ant behavior to the provision of benefits or imposition of costs. Based on this logic, we hypothesize that war combatants who have ratified the Geneva/Hague Conventions prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants during war are more likely to comply with the legal obligations included in those conventions when they interact with relatively strong democratic alliance, trade, and IGO partners. In a series of quantitative tests on a data set of all interstate wars from 1900 to 2003, we find strong statistical and substantive support for the role of third parties in inducing compliance with the law.

Sadly enough, war, conflicts and terrorism appear to stay with us in the 21st century. But what is our outlook on new methods for preventing and ending them? Present-day hard- and software enables the development of large crisis, conflict, and conflict management databases with many variables, sometimes with automated updates, statistical analyses of a high complexity, elaborate simulation models, and even interactive uses of these databases. In this book, these methods are presented, further developed, and applied in relation to the main issue: the resolution and prevention of intra- and international conflicts. Conflicts are a worldwide phenomenon. Therefore, internationally leading researchers from the USA, Austria, Canada, Germany, New Zealand and Switzerland have contributed.

"During the 1970s, the South African Department of Information attempted to manipulate and neutralise the international media treatment of South Africa. This programme was later exposed in what became known as the 'Information' scandal." "Foreign correspondents in South Africa numbered little more than a dozen in 1972. By the end of the decade, however, they had become a formidable force. This was directly related to the events on the ground: the Angolan war and the Soweto uprising. In general, American journalists tended to represent South Africa as a metaphor for the racial problems of the United States, whereas British commentators discussed the country in the context of a decolonisation story that had somehow gone wrong."--Jacket

In 2002 a survey conducted by the University of Applied Sciences Jena pointed out that many young technology-based firms in the Free State of Thuringia in Germany strive for international contacts. 50% of the enterprises that have been surveyed operated internationally, 40 % intends to establish inter-national business contacts. The export of goods and services was the most specified activity, followed by the implementation of joint research & development projects with foreign partners. Based on this survey the entrepreneurs of several firms were chosen for an oral interview with the intention to receive detailed information about why and how they strive for international contacts. The present article presents the results of this investigation and draws conclusions in order to make a contribution to the development of an integrated theory of International Entrepreneurship and to give recommendations to managers of SMEs as well as to entrepreneurs. It has four parts. The first part gives an overview of existing explanations and theories on the internationalization of SMEs. The second part describes three cases of international-oriented start-up companies from Thuringia. In the third part the authors draw conclusions from their investigation and try to give an answer on how the presented cases fit into existing theories of the internationalization of start-up companies and on whether these explanations have to be adjusted and extended. Finally some aspects that companies should take into account when going global are discussed.

La coopération internationale s'est intéressée à la gouvernance locale dans des pays du Sud en perdant ses illusions sur les bienfaits automatiques qu'apporterait une aide financière dont bénéficient en fait moins les populations locales que les gouvernants. La course à la croissance chiffrée a laissé peu à peu place à une aspiration, plus qualitative, au développement incluant sa dimension locale. Dans ce contexte de changement est apparue la notion de conditionnalité de l'aide au développement. La gouvernance publique, notamment locale, est désormais prise en considération par les bailleurs internationaux. En France, la coopération décentralisée, puissant facteur d'influences locales au Sud de notre monde, se développe en partenariat avec l'État.

Why do presidents link issues in some international negotiations but not others? Existing explanations stress the value of linkage to negotiating states, the role of interest groups, and the costs of linking. I argue that issue linkage can be driven by prospective benefits for the negotiator. In the context of U.S. negotiating practices, presidents will press for issue linkage in their own interests. Using archival documents and taped conversations, I demonstrate that presidential interest dictated U.S. adoption or rejection of linkage between economics and security during the Nixon administration's quest to secure voluntary export restrictions on textiles from Japan, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan during 1969–71.

In this article, I argue that while the Global South has replaced the Third World as the prevalent term for describing structural global inequalities in International Relations, little research is directed at its theoretical implications. I discuss the conceptual evolution of the term from the Third World narrative, interpreting the literature as an implicit rejection of myopic ontologies relying on economic, cultural, or political hierarchies. I then suggest connecting the terminology to the theory of functional differentiation. By avoiding forms inherited from classical social theory, the Global South can be conceptualized in a more productive way that is better attuned to contemporary theoretical discussions. © The Author(s) 2018.

International Adoption is a subsidiary measure for the protection of children – it only becomes an option if reintegrating a child into his/her extended family or adoption in the child's country of origin is not possible. What are the rules that must be followed in intercountry adoption cases?What are each participant's rights and duties? Who is allowed to adopt a child? What is the procedure? What are the opportunities and the risks if you become involved in providing a child with a proper home for the first time? This article aims to answer these questions and many others. It is intended as a source of ideas for professionals or authority involved in adoption.

This article argues that in order to understand how international human rights agreements (HRAs) work, scholars need to turn their attention to rights that are not definitional to democracy. When rights practices diverge from treaty rules, but the domestic enforcement mechanisms that give such agreements their bite are robust, how do governments behave? The study explores this question by examining a core treaty that prohibits child labor. When domestic enforcement is likely, states where many children work are often deterred from ratifying. Nevertheless, those that do ratify experience significant child labor improvements. By contrast, in non-democracies, ratification is a promise that is easily made but seldom kept.

Die aktuelle militärtechnologische Entwicklung ist von einem Trend zur »Dehumanisierung« geprägt, da der Mensch in Militärkreisen zunehmend als potentielle Fehlerquelle, unnötiger Kostenfaktor und Performance-Killer begriffen wird. Derzeit wird insbesondere die Entwicklung autonomer unbemannter bewaffneter Luftsysteme von militärisch führenden Staaten geprüft. Dies wirft die Fragen auf, ob der Einsatz derartiger Systeme im Lichte des Rechts des internationalen bewaffneten Konflikts zulässig ist und welche Anforderungen sich daraus für das Konstruktionsdesign ergeben. -- Robin Borrmann legt eine umfassende und praxisnahe rechtliche Analyse vor, die sich strikt an den tatsächlich existierenden staatlichen Bestrebungen und dem derzeitigen Entwicklungsstand autonomer Systeme orientiert und die operationellen Spezifika der luftgestützten Kriegführung in besonderem Maße berücksichtigt. Der Autor gelangt zu dem Ergebnis, dass der Einsatz autonomer Systeme, trotz der bestehenden technischen Schwierigkeiten in der Umsetzung der völkerrechtlichen Angriffsregeln, nicht per se unzulässig ist. Die Rechtmäßigkeit eines Einsatzes lässt sich vielmehr im Einzelfall in Abhängigkeit vom Autonomiegrad des Systems und dem vorgesehenen Einsatzzweck durch bestimmte vorab einprogrammierte Beschränkungen der Angriffsziele und Angriffsparameter sowie des Einsatzortes gewährleisten. Ein Zwang zur Implementierung einer Interventionsmöglichkeit in das Konstruktionsdesign autonomer Systeme besteht mithin nicht.

This article explores the reverberation of the European Union Open Method of Coordination and the Ibero American States Organisation educational plan in education policy-making. In essence, a comparative analysis of these processes highlights the role of political agents and the knowledge they use. Instead of inexorable processes, global transformations are complex insofar as political players push for them by acting from varied geographical scales. Developments in Europe and Latin America remind of regional or continental integration, which is a relevant scale of policy-making altogether with national policy and the emerging global agenda. International organisations, national and sub-national governments, and national and trans-national civil society networks have a say in these processes.

The article examines the origins and relationships between global, transnational history and international history, and the potential of these fields of enquiry to reshape European history. Divided into three parts, and drawing on a range of global and European examples, the article examines some of the ways in which transnational history holds the potential to blur established chronological boundaries and offer new approaches to the mapping of time. Global and transnational history has also helped to identify new processes and relationships in modern history, posing, in particular, new questions of comparative history and of Europe's relations with the world. The article concludes by identifying new sites of historical enquiry in European history and proposing additional ones.