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For many developing countries, natural resource exports such as oil, diamonds and copper continue to be important drivers for economic growth and provide a unique opportunity for generating revenues for much-needed infrastructure and human development. Dependence on extractive resources, however, may also increase the likelihood of underdevelopment, fragility and conflict. The challenges for managing these resources efficiently are likely to expand, as a growing number of developing countries and fragile states emerge as oil and mineral producers. Thus, there is a need to gain a better understanding of the factors that may help prevent violent conflict in resource rich countries. This paper proposes that one way of gaining such understanding and insight is to "conflict-sensitize" the Extractive Industries Value Chain (EIVC), and use it as a framework for conflict prevention in resource-rich countries. In this context, the report's main objective is to examine the potential opportunities for conflict prevention along the extractive industries value chain. Such a body of knowledge can help the World Bank, the UN and EU, as well as client countries and other partners, in their planning and coordination of complementary activities when implementing their programmes and projects, particularly when working in the same resource-rich countries. This paper aims to demonstrate the feasibility and challenges faced by adopting a conflict-sensitive approach within the World Bank's EI Value Chain. The methodology used was a combined desk review and in-depth interviews with regional and country specialists, especially in governance/conflict prevention and extractive industries (Annex 1). The emphasis is on qualitative analysis. The four countries that were desk reviewed for the project, including Chile, Peru, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Zambia, are all copper producers and were selected due to their heavy dependence on revenues from mining. This book is arranged as follows: (i) part one explains extractives, conflict prevention and the value chain; (ii) part two is about the EI value chain as framework for conflict prevention; (iii) part three talks about emerging themes and recommendation; and (iv) part four describes the four country examples and the emerging lessons.

Community-Driven Development (or CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. The proponents of CDD believe that giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources will lead to more efficient and effective use of financial resources. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider 'spillover' impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy. This paper briefly reviews the World Bank's experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. This paper provides a framework for assessing the impacts of CDD projects in post-conflict and conflict-affected areas. It tries to unpack the potential causal channels through which projects may have their desired, or other, impacts. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don't, and potential future directions for research and programming.

There is a growing body of practice and literature on the role of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in preventing and responding to violence. There is also a lot of excitement and corresponding literature about the role of the internet in non-violent change and democratization. The use of mobile phones, social networks such as Facebook and Twitter, and user-generated content (UGC) like blogs and YouTube videos in the protests in Tunisia and Egypt, as well as throughout the wider middle-east and North Africa (MENA) region have shown how ICTs can complement and augment the exercise of rights to freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of peaceful assembly. This literature focuses on the use of ICTs before and during conflict, for example in conflict prevention and early warning. What about the use of ICTs in post-conflict situations; after the negotiation of peace agreements? How can ICTs be used in post-conflict interventions; more specifically in post-conflict peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction and recovery? What role of can be played here by social media and user-generated content?

Community Driven Development (CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. Giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources is believed by its proponents to lead to more efficient and effective fund use. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider 'spillover' impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy. This paper briefly reviews the World Bank's experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. The region has been at the forefront of developing large-scale CDD programming including high profile 'flagships' such as the Kecamatan Development Program (KDP) in Indonesia and the Kapitbisig Laban Sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services (KALAHI-CIDSS) project in the Philippines. As of the end of 2007, CDD constituted fifteen percent of the lending portfolio in East Asia compared with ten percent globally. Many of East Asia's CDD projects have operated consciously or not in areas affected by protracted violent conflict. CDD has also been used as an explicit mechanism for post-conflict recovery in Mindanao in the Philippines and in Timor Leste, and for conflict victim reintegration in Aceh, Indonesia. It then looks at the evidence on whether and how projects have achieved these outcomes, focusing on a range of recent and current projects in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste. The analysis summarizes results, draws on comparative evidence from other projects in the region and elsewhere, and seeks to identify factors that explain variation in outcomes and project performance. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don't, and potential future directions for research and programming.

Correspondence of Mr. Myron M. Parker, American attorney and legal consultant; Mr. Roberto V. Pesqueira, Confidential Agent of the Mexican government; Senator Albert B. Fall; Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón, ambassador of Mexico in Washington, D.C.; Mr. J.H. Perestrejo; Mr. Ira Bennet, editor of the WASHINGTON POST, and Gen. Alvaro Obregón in which Mr. Parker informs Gen. Obregón that the Senator Albert B. Fall is awaiting victory in the elections to begin diplomatic relations between Mexico and the United States; he reports on the meeting Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón had with Mr. Norman Davis and sends him a newspaper clipping in which the rebellion of Gen. Francisco Villa in Tamaulipas is mentioned: "Envoy urges quick U.S. aid to Mexico. Another Revolt brews as Calderón asks recognition of Secretary Davis"; Mr. Parker also attaches a pamphlet that has a report from the President of the United States about the treaty signed in Bogota, Colombia, mentioning the policy nationalizing oil in that country; comments on the position of the Democratic Party respect to Mexico, stating that they will not recognize any president other than Gen. Obregón. Mr. Parker reports that Mr. Sherburne Hopkins claims to be the diplomatic representative of Mexico's interim government and regards him as a bad person; sends newspaper clippings: "Mexico will lift oil restrictions" THE EVENING STAR, U.S.A, July 9, 1920. Deals with the matter regarding petroleum concerning the application of Article 27 of the Constitution and the opinion of American Industrialists on the situation. "New Revolt in Mexico foreseen by Bonillas" THE EVENING STAR, U.S.A, July 9, 1920. Commentary by Engr. Ignacio Bonillas about the Agua Prieta Revolution against the government of Venustiano Carranza. "New Revolt plot bared in Mexico" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., July 10, 1920. Commentary about the organization that is being made by Mr. Luis Cabrera and Gen. Juan Barragán in the north of Mexico to rebel against the government of De la Huerta. Gen. Obregón's reply of acknowledgment and denying that Mr. Hopkins has any position within the Mexican government. Mr. Myron Parker sends Gen. Obregón a copy of the letter by former Ambassador in Mexico, Harry P. Fletcher, to Mr. Bainbridge Colby, Secretary of State, giving his opinion on the recognition of the provisional government; he attaches a newspaper clipping stating that the government of Adolfo de la Huerta could be recognized as "de facto" and some other proposals that must be concluded, among them, the pending issue of "Chamizal": "Urges caution Mexican Policy" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., July 12, 1920. Gen. Obregón informs that Mr. Ignacio Bonillas has gone to Washington and has made statements to the press about the murder of President Venustiano Carranza; he states that the candidacy of Engr. Alfredo Robles Domínguez is the representation of the clergy and informs about the recognition of the Mexican government by the United States; attaches newspaper clippings: "Text of Senator Harding's speech accepting the nomination" THE NEW YORK TIMES, New York, New York, July 23, 1920 **. COREY, Herbert "Villa dares not give up his role as bandit chief", U.S.A., July 19, 1920, in which it is detailed the steps for the demobilization of Gen. Francisco Villa's armed forces; sends a copy of the letter addressed to Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón commenting on the diplomatic relations between Mexico and the United States; comments on the mission of Gen. Salvador Alvarado to obtain a loan from some capitalists in New York and commentary about the political state of Mexico. Attached is a newspaper clipping about policy in Mexico and the issue of Col. Esteban B. Cantú, Governor of Baja California, who is attempting to rebel against the government of Mr. Adolfo de la Huerta: "Fear coup by Huerta" U.S.A., August 10, 1920. Mr. Parker sends Gen. Obregón a questionnaire from Mr. Ira Bennet asking him about the political measures that Gen. Obregón will employ when he is elected President; he sends a copy of the letter sent to Mr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón recommending that the government designate a joint commission to handle the differences between Mexico and the United States so that they might be resolved; attaches a newspaper clipping in which Senator Harding's opinion about Mexico is given: "Harding salvaging 'failed league' to build a tribunal" THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., August 20, 1920. "Honors George Washington Mexican special Ambassador places wreath on Mount Vernon tomb". THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., August 20, 1920. Mr.Myron M. Parker congratulares Gen. Obregón on his election victory. Mr. J.H. Perestrejo transcribes the same message to Gen. Obregón. Mr. Parker recommends Gen. Obregón to designate a joint commission to facilitate U.S. recognition of the Mexican government. (Go to Files G-19, G-09; P-23 and P-011 of the same series). (The newspaper clipping from the NEW YORK TIMES, from July 23rd of 1920 go to archive 1, box 1, folder 2, folder 8). Files P-5 and P-05 / Correspondencia entre el Sr. Myron M. Parker, abogado y consultor de leyes norteamericano; Sr. Roberto V. Pesqueira, agente confidencial del gobierno de México; Senador Albert B. Fall; Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón, Embajador de México en Washington, D.C.; Sr. J.H. Perestrejo; Sr. Ira Bennet, editor del WASHINGTON POST y el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, en la que el primero comunica al Gral. Obregón que el Senador Albert B. Fall espera su triunfo en las elecciones para que se inicien las relaciones diplomáticas entre México y los Estados Unidos; informa sobre la entrevista que tuvo el Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón con el Sr. Norman Davis y le envía recorte de prensa en el que se menciona la rebelión del Gral. Francisco Villa en Tamaulipas: "Envoy urges quick U.S. aid to Mexico. Another Revolt brews as Calderón asks recognition of Secretary Davis"; anexa un folleto que tiene un informe del Presidente de los Estados Unidos sobre el tratado firmado en Bogotá, Colombia, mencionando la política de nacionalización del petróleo en ese país; comenta sobre la posición del Partido Democrático con respecto de México, indicando que no reconocerán a otro presidente que no sea el Gral. Obregón; informa que el Sr. Sherburne Hopkins dice ser el representante diplomático del gobierno provisional de México y le considera como una persona negativa; envía recortes de prensa: "Mexico will lift oil restrictions" THE EVENING STAR, E.U.A., Jul. 9, 1920. Trata la problemática del asunto petrolero con respecto a la aplicación del Artículo 27 Constitucional y la opinión de los industriales americanos sobre esta situación. "New Revolt in Mexico foreseen by Bonillas" THE EVENING STAR, E.U.A., Jul. 9, 1920. Comentarios del Ing. Ignacio Bonillas sobre la revolución de Agua Prieta en contra del gobierno de Venustiano Carranza. "New Revolt plot bared in Mexico" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., E.U.A., Jul. 10, 1920. Comentarios sobre la organización que están haciendo los Srs. Luis Cabrera y Gral. Juan Barragán en el norte de México para rebelarse en contra del gobierno de De la Huerta. Respuesta del Gral. Obregón de enterado y negando que el Sr. Hopkins tenga algún cargo del gobierno mexicano. El Sr. Myron Parker envía al Gral. Obregón una copia de la carta que dirigió el ex-Embajador en México Harry P. Fletcher al Sr. Bainbridge Colby, Secretario de Estado, dando su opinión respecto al reconocimiento del gobierno provisional; anexa recorte de prensa indicando que el gobierno de Adolfo de la Huerta podría ser reconocido como "de facto" y algunas propuestas que deben concluirse, entre ellas está la cuestión pendiente del "Chamizal": "Urges caution Mexican Policy" THE WASHINGTON POST, Washington, D.C., E.U.A., Jul. 12, 1920. El Gral. Obregón comunica que el Sr. Ignacio Bonillas ha ido a Washington y ha hecho declaraciones a la prensa sobre el asesinato del presidente Venustiano Carranza; indica que la candidatura del Ing. Alfredo Robles Domínguez es la representante de los clericales y le informa acerca del reconocimiento del gobierno mexicano por parte de los Estados Unidos; anexa recorte de prensa: "Text of Senator Harding's speech accepting the nomination" THE NEW YORK TIMES, Nueva Yor, N.Y., Jul. 23, 1920 **. COREY, Herbert "Villa dares not give up his role as bandit chief", E.U.A., Jul. 19, 1920, en el cual se indican las gestiones para el licenciamiento de las fuerzas del Gral. Francisco Villa; envía copia de la carta que dirigiera al Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón comentando sobre las relaciones diplomáticas entre México y los Estados Unidos; comenta sobre la misión del Gral. Salvador Alvarado para obtener un préstamo de algunos capitalistas de Nueva York y comentarios sobre la política de México; anexa recorte de prensa sobre la política de México y el asunto del Corl. Esteban B. Cantú, Gobernador de Baja California, quien intenta rebelarse en contra del gobierno del Sr. Adolfo de la Huerta: "Fear coup by Huerta" E.U.A, Ag. 10, 1920. El Sr. Parker envía al Gral. Obregón cuestionario del Sr. Ira Bennet preguntándole sobre las medidas políticas que adoptará el Gral. Obregón cuando sea electo Presidente; envía copia de la carta que dirigió al Sr. Fernando Iglesias Calderón recomendándole que el gobierno designe una comisión mixta para que se traten las diferencias existentes entre México y los Estados Unidos a fin de que se resuelvan; anexa recorte de prensa en el que aparece la opinión del Senador Harding acerca de México: "Harding salvaging 'failed league' to build a tribunal" THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., Ag. 20, 1920. "Honors George Washington Mexican special Ambassador places wreath on Mount Vernon tomb", THE WASHINGTON STAR, Washington, D.C., Ag. 20, 1920. El Sr. Myron M. Parker felicita al Gral. Obregón por su triunfo electoral. El Sr. J.H. Perestrejo transcribe al Gral. Obregón el mismo mensaje. El Sr. Parker recomienda al Gral. Obregón que designe una comisión mixta para gestionar el reconocimiento del gobierno mexicano por los Estados Unidos. (Véanse Exps. G-19 y G-09; P-23 y P-011 de esta misma serie). ( El recorte de prensa del NEW YORK TIMES, del 23 de julio de 1920 pasó al planero 1, cajón 1, carpeta 2, folder 8). Exps. P-5 y P-05

An original defense of the unique value of voting in a democracyVoting is only one of the many ways that citizens can participate in public decision making, so why does it occupy such a central place in the democratic imagination? In Election Day, political theorist Emilee Booth Chapman provides an original answer to that question, showing precisely what is so special about how we vote in today's democracies. By presenting a holistic account of popular voting practices and where they fit into complex democratic systems, she defends popular attitudes toward voting against radical critics and offers much-needed guidance for voting reform.Elections embody a distinctive constellation of democratic values and perform essential functions in democratic communities. Election day dramatizes the nature of democracy as a collective and individual undertaking, makes equal citizenship and individual dignity concrete and transparent, and socializes citizens into their roles as equal political agents. Chapman shows that fully realizing these ends depends not only on the widespread opportunity to vote but also on consistently high levels of actual turnout, and that citizens' experiences of voting matters as much as the formal properties of a voting system. And these insights are also essential for crafting and evaluating electoral reform proposals.By rethinking what citizens experience when they go to the polls, Election Day recovers the full value of democratic voting today

This paper examines the relationship between narcotics trafficking and violence in Central America. The first part of the paper addresses particular questions posed for the 2011 World Development Report and examines several competing hypothesis on the drivers of crime in Central America. A key finding is that areas exposed to intense narcotics trafficking in Central America suffer from higher homicide rates. Drug trafficking has corrupted state institutions, which have been overwhelmed by the resources deployed by trafficking organizations. The second part of the paper reviews the reasons drug trafficking and anti trafficking enforcement are associated with violence in general and consider policy options.

The Horn of Africa (HOA) is one of the most underdeveloped regions on earth. It is also one of the most conflict-ridden, insecure regions in the world. While Africa as a whole has enjoyed a trend in recent years toward reduction and termination of many of its civil wars, the HOA is the exception to the rule. Indeed, the region's prolonged armed conflicts have spread, engulfing several neighboring states in warfare and partial state collapse. While aspects of the HOA case are obviously unique, and sensitivity to context and complexity must be privileged in both analysis of and policy toward the Horn, the region's crises are not so distinct that they preclude useful comparative analysis. This paper considers conflict dynamics across the entire Horn of Africa, but devotes special attention to the case of Somalia which, because of the depth, length, and significance of its crisis, is a source of particular international concern. Because Somalia's crisis has been so protracted and has gone through several very distinct phases, it provides an opportunity to compare conflict dynamics in a single country over time.

Violent conflict is the multifaceted and cyclical problem that the international community is trying to grapple with. To date, there has been a clear hierarchy concerning what forms of violence are seen to matter most, with political violence that threatens the state taking pole position. In examining this argument, this paper sets out a number of issues relating to security and justice definitions. It will then examine some of the problems associated with placing conflict into a box-set typology: mass violence associated with war and genocide carries unique features but also spawns new challenges which are often being ignored. The paper will then examine in brief some of the measures used by communities, governmental actors and international partners in contending with violence before outlining some key conclusions and recommendations. In reading this paper two further points need be borne in mind: 1) this does not provide a comprehensive overview of violence and security - that is the role of the World Development Report (WDR) itself, and 2) this paper does not present fresh research, but more an overview, along with the other papers in the security-justice series, of some of the key issues confronting policy makers in the domain of security and development.

The Operations Evaluation Department (OED) is an independent unit within the World Bank. The goals of evaluation are to learn from experience, to provide an objective basis for assessing the results of the Bank's work, and to provide accountability in the achievement of its objectives. This report on the Post-Conflict Fund (PCF) is one of twenty six case studies that have been prepared as source material for the second phase of OED's independent evaluation of the Bank's involvement in global programs. The program objective is to position the Bank through constructive engagement in conflict-affected countries where normal instruments and budget provisions cannot apply. The key findings are as follows : (i) a flexible instrument such as the PCF serves the needs that the Bank's numerous instruments do not fulfill in conflict-affected countries; (ii) yet if the policy guidelines under which it operates are too flexible, and the DGF criteria are ambiguous and insufficiently enforced, the instrument can be less than fully effective; (iii)Programs can continue over several years without a results-based framework and strong monitoring and evaluation; (iv) as currently designed, the country-by-country approach of the program does not sufficiently generate broader cross-country lessons and does not exploit the program's full potential to serve the Bank and its partners strategically; and (v) a global partnership program on conflict-affected countries with partners at the governance level might help the Bank, United Nations (UN) agencies, and other stakeholders to better respond to the transition from relief, to rehabilitation and reconstruction and development. Finally, this being an OED evaluation, it focuses primarily on the Bank's strategic role and performance in playing up to its comparative advantage relative to other partners in each program.

This paper reviews both current practices and common challenges of measuring the causes, functioning, and consequences of violent conflict at the micro-level. The authors review existing conflict -- and violence-related survey questionnaires, with a particular focus on the World Bank's Living Standard Measurement Surveys. Further, they discuss methodological challenges associated with empirical work in conflict-affected areas—such as operationalizing a definition of conflict, using the appropriate units of analysis, deciding on the timing of the survey, dealing with data biases and conducting surveys in an ethically sound manner—and propose ways to improve the usefulness of existing surveys to analyze conflict processes at the micro-level. Violent conflict, households, survey methods, questionnaire design.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been described by one senior African diplomat at the United Nations as a 'state in the making; it is not yet a state.' Further, this 'state in the making' also is a state that, with few exceptions, has been in decline since the early 1970s. The colonial era, from 1885 until 1958, was a period of nearly uninterrupted state construction; the hegemony of the Belgian colonial apparatus steadily deepened. In its final two years, the colonial edifice progressively lost control over civil society to a tumultuous and fragmented nationalist movement, which was unable to capture intact the colonial infrastructure. The result was five years of turbulent state deflation, generally known as the 'Congo crisis.' The Mobutu coup of 1965 inaugurated a new cycle, with eight years in which a rising tide of state ascendancy seemed to dominate the political process. After 1974 currents of decline again began to flow strongly, progressively eroding the superstructure of hegemony. The actual purpose of the Zairian government under Mobutu was not to fulfill basic state functions; rather, the government existed as a structure for individual enrichment and patronage. Officials at the highest levels stole large amounts of money, usually from mineral or customs revenues, sometimes through extremely straightforward strategies, such as literally pocketing gem diamonds and having them sold for personal gain in Antwerp or elsewhere.

The implementation of effective Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes in countries emerging from violent conflict are essential for building and maintaining peace and security. In many instances the disarmament and demobilisation of former combatants was achieved, but reintegration remained a challenge, due to the long-term focus and the substantial resources that are required for such a process to be successful. Reintegration processes are, nonetheless, often implemented in fragile environments, that include fragmented economies, in which most income generating activities are informal or unreported. Such economies are often characterised by unregulated, illicit activities, in which official governance is weak. This report is comprised of three parts. Part one includes a review of the literature on the reintegration of former combatants and the informal economy in Africa; a synopsis of post-conflict economies; and an outline of the analytical framework. Part two presents the findings of the case study research, focusing on the economies and DDR processes in each of the three countries, as well as assessing the reintegration process in relation to the informal economy. The third component of the report provides a comparative analysis of, and conclusions from, the research findings.

A key driver of Liberia's re-emergence from utter destruction, between 2004 and 2008, was the willingness of international actors to accept the responsibility and risks associated with stabilization. This was accomplished by confronting these risks directly, even at the cost of temporarily filling institutional voids and sharing sovereignty with the Liberian transitional authorities. The main international diplomatic representations and aid agencies on the ground came to accept from their varying perspectives that peace in Liberia was fragile and that the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement (ACPA) of September 2003 was only the beginning of a protracted stabilization effort. The domestic market for consultants and goods did not exist, requiring the World Bank to innovate with new modes of delivering assistance. Thus, peace consolidation compelled international partners to simultaneously (i) prevent full state capture by corrupt elites in advance of elections and (ii) secure a peace dividend to vulnerable groups which could most directly threaten peace (young ex-combatants and refugees). Building on a solid UN-World Bank partnership, the international community found the internal consensus to address each of the two complementary peace consolidation challenges, adopting two highly innovative instruments: (i) an anti-corruption scheme labeled Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP), involving such robust measures as expatriate co-signing authority, and (ii) a short-term employment-generation scheme now known as roads-with- United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), centered on a rare direct collaboration between the Bank and the engineering units of the UN's military peacekeeping force on the ground. This paper examines these two instruments more closely, in their successes and failures as well as from the perspective of temporary shared sovereignty and co-production.

This paper describes forced displacement in the Europe and Central Asia Region (ECA) and the vulnerabilities associated with being a displaced person. It analyzes the development challenges of forced displacement particularly protracted displacement in the region and the prospects for durable solutions. Displaced persons face challenges related to recovery of or access to housing and land, employment and livelihoods, access to services and public goods including health, education, and infrastructure, and accountable and responsive governance.