Rezension: Eckard Hansen; Michael Heisig; Stephan Leibfried; Florian Tennstedt (u.a.): Seit über einem Jahrhundert...: verschüttete Alternativen in der Sozialpolitik
In: Sozialwissenschaftliche Literatur Rundschau, Heft 8/9, S. 96-98
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In: Sozialwissenschaftliche Literatur Rundschau, Heft 8/9, S. 96-98
In: Oxford Centre for Higher Education Policy Studies [OxCHEPS], Occasional Paper No. 48, 2013
SSRN
This study was aimed at explaining comprehensively the social participation, especially from religious leader or Ulama in composing District Rules (Perda) on Traditions. This is a nondoctrinal study with a qualitative method. Data were collected through interviews, observations, and document studies with sociolegal approach. Data were analyzed using interactive cycles of Strauss and J Corbin. The result showed that: the participation of religious leaders (Ulama) in composing Perda was at the level of tokenism, meaning that it seemed they had a participation in the activity, but it was not a real participation. They were invited to at the dicussion on development planning and socialization of the Perda. The problem related to the application of this system of participation was that the government bureaucracy was still not transparent and participative. Culturally, there was a patron-client tradition, i.e. the government was the patron or designer that determined the pattern, while the society realized what had been patronized by the government. It is necessary to build a responsive and participative law of bureaucracy both from the government and ulama. It can be realized if there is a continuous communication between the government and ulama.
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This study was aimed at explaining comprehensively the social participation, especially from religious leader or Ulama in composing District Rules (Perda) on Traditions. This is a nondoctrinal study with a qualitative method. Data were collected through interviews, observations, and document studies with sociolegal approach. Data were analyzed using interactive cycles of Strauss and J Corbin. The result showed that: the participation of religious leaders (Ulama) in composing Perda was at the level of tokenism, meaning that it seemed they had a participation in the activity, but it was not a real participation. They were invited to at the dicussion on development planning and socialization of the Perda. The problem related to the application of this system of participation was that the government bureaucracy was still not transparent and participative. Culturally, there was a patron-client tradition, i.e. the government was the patron or designer that determined the pattern, while the society realized what had been patronized by the government. It is necessary to build a responsive and participative law of bureaucracy both from the government and ulama. It can be realized if there is a continuous communication between the government and ulama.
BASE
In: French Politics
This first special issue on the Yellow Vests movement (YVM) published in English has three objectives. First, we advocate that this puzzling movement proved to be an insightful research field for scholars to make a plea for mixed methods. By so doing, we bridge the usual gaps between positivist and constructivist approaches. Second, after four years of research, this publication is also a first milestone to provide empirical data and analysis of the movement, to better understand its evolution, significance and effects on French society. By combining case studies and national-based comparison, regional face-to-face surveys, national online surveys and in-person surveys, the nine articles provide a clearer and more precise picture of the movement's composition and its evolution over the months. In addition to a detailed description of the social and political components of the movement, several articles propose to establish bridges between the values and opinions of the Gilets Jaunes or Yellow Vests, the cultural practices of the social groups from which they come, and the modalities of mobilization and form of politicization, inscribed in space and in time. In this way, they provide the debate with valuable keys to understanding the dynamics of the movement. Third, this special issue consequently further analyses how the YVM challenges contemporary social movements studies, the understanding of uprisings and assumptions about contentious politics. The first article introduces the major analytical issues and mixed-method approaches of the 9 articles and their contributions as whole to scholarship on the study of the YVM and social movements in France and from a comparative perspective.
In: Journal of Palestine studies, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 222-235
ISSN: 1533-8614
This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (to 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature and Art; Book Reviews; and Reports Received.
In: Journal of Palestine studies, Band 33, Heft 2, S. 210-221
ISSN: 1533-8614
This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Reference and General; History (to 1948) and Geography; Palestinian Politics and Society; Jerusalem; Israeli Politics, Society, and Zionism; Arab and Middle Eastern Politics; International Relations; Law; Military; Economy, Society, and Education; Literature and Art; Book Reviews; and Reports Received.
Der Name Vladimir Germanovič Bogoraz (1865-1936) deutsche Version: Waldemar Bogoras, literarisches Pseudonym: N.A. Tan ist eng mit der revolutionären Bewegung in Russland verknüpft. Er steht für wesentliche Teile der Geschichte von Narodnaja volja (Der Volkswille), einer streng verfolgten Untergrundorganisation, deren Aktionen die Stimmung im zaristischen Russland des späten 19. Jahrhunderts stark bestimmte. Jedoch nicht nur als politischer Agitator, sondern auch als Wortkünstler tritt Bogoraz aus den Reihen seiner Zeitgenossen hervor. In jungen Jahren verschlug es Bogoraz als politische persona non grata für ein Jahrzehnt (1989-1998) nach Jakutien. Unter dem Eindruck eines ungekannt rauhen Lebens jenseits des Polarkreises wandte er sich hier der belletristischen Dichtung zu. Es wurde der Grundstein für verschiedene, teilweise erst später veröffentlichte Werke gelegt, darunter lyrische Texte, Erzählungen und Romane. Die Tätigkeit des Schriftstellers stand unter dem Einfluss eines besonderen Umstandes. So war Bogoraz nicht nur Revolutionär und Poet: er ging auch ethnographischen Studien nach. In Sibirien erwachte sein Interesse an der lokalen Bevölkerung. Er begann, sich eingehend mit verschiedenen indigenen Kulturen des Nordens zu beschäftigen. Viele seiner Beobachtungen fanden Eingang in seine dichterischen Texte. Auf das deskriptive völker- und volkskundliche Material, das er im Rahmen seines ersten, zwangsweisen Aufenthaltes im hohen Norden und auch später, während einer freiwilligen zweiten Reise in den Fernen Osten Russlands sammelte, wird von Fachleuten noch heute zurückgegriffen. Insbesondere seine Arbeiten über die Kultur der Tschuktschen gelten als Standardwerke innerhalb der Ethnographie der nordostasiatischen Völker. Die vorliegende Publikation zeichnet das Leben von Bogoraz entlang herausragender Daten und Ereignisse nach. Außerdem ist eine umfassende Liste seiner Publikationen, sowie eine Übersicht zur Literatur über sein Leben und Werk beigefügt.
In: North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures number 303
In: Revista de las Cortes Generales, S. 187-227
ISSN: 2659-9678
SUMARIO: I. Introducción.—1.1. El control jurisdiccional de los actos parlamentarios, en general.— 1.2. El sistema jurisdiccional comunitario.—1.3. La posición institucional del Parlamento europeo y el problema del control jurisdiccional de sus actos.—II. La legitimación pasiva del Parlamento europeo en los procesos ante el Tribunal de Justicia.—II. 1. Consideraciones generales.—II.2. El recurso de anulación.—II.2.1. Consideración general.—II.2.2. La diferente regulación en el Tratado CECA y en los Tratados CEE y CEEA.—II.2.3. La extensión del artículo 38 CECA a los actos del Parlamento europeo comunes a los tres Tratados: las sentencias de 10 de febrero de 1983 y de 10 de abril de 1984.—II.2.4. El reconocimiento de la aplicabilidad del recurso de anulación CEE-CEEA a los actos del Parlamento europeo: las sentencias de 23 de abril y de 3 de julio de 1986.—II.2.5. Recapitulación.—II.3. El recurso por inactividad.— II. 3.1. Consideración general.—II.3.2. La virtualidad del recurso por inactividad frente a las omisiones del Parlamento europeo.—II.4. El recurso por responsabilidad extracontractual de la Comunidad.—II.5. Los recursos del personal de la Comunidad.—III. Las cuestiones prejudiciales sobre actos del Parlamento europeo.—III.1. Consideración general.—III.2. Cuestiones prejudiciales de validez sobre actos del Parlamento europeo. — III.3. Cuestiones prejudiciales interpretativas sobre actos del Parlamento europeo.
In: Studia europejskie: Studies in European affairs, Band 2023, Heft 4, S. 41-56
This article seeks to grasp the current dynamic of the European Union's enlargement policy as shaped by the exogenous shock of the Russian full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. It argues that external pressures matter as windows of opportunity, but the precise nature of the EU's response to this geopolitical push is shaped by internal factors. Building on a recent work by Frank Schimmelfennig (2021), it further argues that the new enlargement dynamic can be usefully illuminated by the concept of bordering. More concretely, this research highlights external de-bordering and re-bordering strategies pursued by the relevant political actors within the EU, as they purposefully seek to use the geopolitical window of opportunity to transform existing bordering constellations in line with their preferences. Empirically, this article sheds light on Europe's border-based games while drawing an analytical line between de-bordering and re-bordering strategies. The analysis reveals the limits of de-bordering, even under geopolitical and security emergency, but also underlines opportunities for agency.
In: http://hdl.handle.net/10835/13513
El personal eventual es un tipo de empleado público no exento de cierta polémica desde su creación antes incluso de nuestra actual democracia. Es una figura controvertida en cuanto su definición, ya que la propia ley que la enmarca, no es clara con respecto a las características y sobre todo en cuanto a las funciones que ha de desempeñar dicho personal. Esto conlleva que su utilización se haya desvirtuado con bastante frecuencia y que sea una figura utilizada con asiduidad para pagar determinados favores por parte de los distintos partidos políticos. El trabajo se distribuye en dos partes. En primer lugar, he realizado un estudio del marco normativo que regula esta figura, desde su aparición durante el régimen franquista hasta nuestros días. Con ello, pretendo perfilar la definición y características que la ley otorga a dicha figura, delimitando de manera exhaustiva las tareas y funciones que realizan como personal de confianza. Asimismo, he llevado a cabo un estudio tanto cualitativo como cuantitativo de los distintos perfiles profesionales que compusieron los distintos Ministerios durante el primer gobierno de Mariano Rajoy. El estudio ha consistido en un análisis pormenorizado de la trayectoria profesional, académica y política previa y posterior de los ciento ochenta y tres asesores que formaron parte de los distintos Ministerios y de la Presidencia del Gobierno en la época señalada.
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The problem in this study is how to regulate and apply Risk Management and Patient Safety to ensure Legal Protection for Patient and Healthy Person at Abepura General Hospital, and what obstacles faced by Hospital in arranging and implementing Risk Management to ensure legal protection seen from involvement legal rules and technical aspects such as human resources, culture, politics, facilities and others. The purpose of the study is to obtain a description of the application, arrangement, and barriers pelksanaan Risk Management and Patient Safety to ensure the Legal Protection for Patients and Health Personnel at Abepura General Hospital, which is viewed from the side of involvement of the rule of law and the technical side such as human resources, culture, politics, facilities, and others.This research is an analytical, descriptive legal research, with the approach of Sociological Juridical, this research examines the problem of applying risk management and patient safety in giving legal protection to patient and health worker. To answer the problem, secondary date, primary date, and tertiary date are needed. Secondary date in the form of primary date collected through field study and secondary date collected by library study So the results of the study obtained on setting the hospital's internal rules in the form of hospital by low and operational standards used in hospitals has not functioned as a legal tool used to minimize the risk if there is a problem in RSUD Abepura, because the device rules still need penyempunaan material with takes a long time and adjusted to the ability and state of the hospital. Thus the form of risk must always be guarded by active regulatory oversight in providing periodic evaluations and monitoring. Implementation of risk management has not become a legal tool in use in supporting the Abepura Regional General Hospital service and has not become a key regulation in ensuring patient safety. Therefore, the local regulations are the basis of the guidelines in performing services to ...
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In: Presidential studies quarterly: official publication of the Center for the Study of the Presidency, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 1-15
ISSN: 1741-5705
A significant debate rages in the literature. Although going public success is a function of mass public support for a policy, presidents respond to partisan liberalism in their public rhetoric. This presents a puzzle: how do presidents reconcile their need to target policies that are popular with the mass public to go public successfully, when they respond primarily to partisan opinion in their speeches? Our comparison of the president's policy proposals from 1989 through 2008 with both centrist and partisan public opinion reveals that presidents are more partisan than centrist in their policy priorities, which adds weight to the partisan representation side of this debate.