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Maastricht will induce changes to the EC budget the various dimensions of which are explored in this volume. Based on the theory of fiscal federalism the author discusses important aspects of multilayer government finance for existing federations - Australia, Germany, Switzerland and the USA. He sketches the effects of an Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) onto the Community budget, and concludes with a systematic treatment of revenue instruments for its future financing.

Cover; Half title; Title; Copyright; Dedication; Contents; Figures; Acknowledgments; Introduction; 1 The quest for cause; Physics and cause; The concept of cause; Summing up; Lessons; 2 Inefficient causation I; Causal understandings; Constitution and cause; Inefficient cause; 3 Inefficient causation II; Frames of reference; Mechanisms and processes; 4 The European reconceptualization of space; Frames of reference; The territorial state; Art, science, and politics; Identity as a conceptual frame; Conclusions; 5 Cause and knowledge; Causal misunderstandings; Cause and international relations

This book is a comprehensive guide to theories of International Relations (IR). Given the limitations of a paradigm-based approach, it sheds light on eighteen theories and new theoretical perspectives in IR by examining the work of key reference theorists. The chapters are all written to a common template. The introductory section provides readers with a basic understanding of the theory's genesis by locating it within an intellectual tradition, paying particular attention to the historical and political context. The second section elaborates on the theory as formulated by the select.

Though it is widely accepted that advancing women's rights is crucial to promoting more economic prosperity, good governance, and social equality, very few studies have analyzed the gender-specific effects of foreign policy tools. In this study, we focus on the impact that a frequently used coercive tool — international economic sanctions — has on women's well-being. Sanctions can have a devastating impact on both the target country's economic and political stability, and women often suffer significantly from the effects of such external shocks due to their vulnerable socioeconomic and political status. We thus argue that foreign economic pressures will reduce the level of respect for women's rights in the targeted countries. We use four different measures of women's economic, political, and social status to analyze the gender-specific consequences of economic coercion. Results from the analysis for the period 1971–2005 indicate that sanctions are likely to exacerbate women's rights. The data analysis also shows that the suggested negative impact of economic coercion on women's well-being is conditioned by the wealth of a targeted country; women in poor countries are hit the hardest by economic sanctions.

Shennan examines the changing criteria upon which European relations were based between 1689 and 1789, a complex period which saw: * the decline of dynasticism * the emergence of economic power as a concomitant of military might * the growth of British influence * the dawn of nationalism For easy reference, this book also contains extensive chronologies of the important battles, treaties and alliances of the period, along with a list of further reading

"Posthumanism represents a significant new research direction both for International Relations and the social sciences. It emerges from questions about inter-species relations which challenge dominant perceptions of what it means to be human. Rather than seeing the human species as 'in nature' posthumanist thinking considers the species as 'of nature'. The work of posthumanist thinkers has sought to dispute accepted notions of what it means to be human, raising profound questions about our relations with the rest of nature. The volume commences with an overview of the influence thinkers have had on the development of posthumanist thinking. Key ideas in International Relations are interrogated and reconceptualised and specific case studies are presented with a focus on inter-species relations. The work allows for a consideration of the limits of the posthumanist move and provides space for critics to argue that such an approach opens the discipline up to a biological determinism, and that a focus on inter-human relations should mark the boundaries of the discipline. The essays collected in this volume provide an overview of contributions from posthumanist thinkers with the particular intention of providing a succinct introduction to the area and should appeal to scholars and students in Politics, IR and philosophy."--Provided by publisher.

Global political economy and the separation of academic disciplines / Kees Van Der Pijl -- The Bretton Woods system (1944-1971) / Alex Tackie -- The failure of neo-liberal financialisation (1971-1991) / Vassilis K Fouskas and Bulent Gokay -- Shock therapy and the political economy of the former Soviet space / Sabine Spangenberg -- Revisiting the 1992-93 EMS erisis in the context of international political economy / Dimitris P. Sotiropoulos -- Asia catches cold, Russia sneezes : the political economy of emerging market crises in 1997-98 / Michael F. Keating -- The rise of the qi ye ji tuan and the emergence of Chinese hegemony / Jayantha Jayman -- The global South : from dependency to convergence? / Ray Kiely -- The policy response to the great recession of 2008 : is it the 1930s all over again? / Yiannis Kitromildes -- Understanding the global financial crisis / Bulent Gokay -- The political economy of the Arab uprisings / Shampa Roy-Mukherjee -- The politics and economics of the Greek debt crisis / Constantine Dimoulas and Vassilis K. Fouskas -- A-Z glossary : Key concepts in international political economy.

In anthropology, the concept of cultural intimacy expresses those aspects of a cultural identity that are considered a source of international criticism for the state, but are nevertheless used to provide insiders with a sense of national comfort, understanding, and self-reflexive, ontological security. Cultural intimacy helps illuminate how states present themselves internationally and how they understand themselves domestically. It can also explain the seeming discrepancies and contradictions between a state's domestic and international identities. Cultural intimacy, in other words, explains the mutual reproduction of different levels of identity. Using the concept of cultural intimacy as a departure point, this article develops a framework for understanding incongruities in the domestic and international facades of state identity. We argue that there is a structural component to the level of discomfort caused by negative international appraisals of a given state. Structural position determines whether the domestic sources of cultural intimacy will cause shame, embarrassment, or guilt, and therefore also indicate how that negative international image will be handled by the state. The theoretical argument is illustrated with reference to the cases of Serbia, Croatia, and the Netherlands, and their distinctive responses to the Balkan conflict of the 1990s.

The economies of many urban areas in advanced Western countries are experiencing serious pressures as a result of changes in international and national economies, in technology, and in the pattern of demand. The process by which urban areas respond to these changes frequently results in profound structural transformations of metropolitan economies, accompanied by serious economic and social dislocations. Increasingly, governments have found it necessary to respond to these changes. This paper is a summary of these developments and provides a context for the theme papers which follow.

This book reviews and analyzes East Asian economic integration by looking at China-ASEAN economic relations and the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA). The book explores these economic relations after the Cold War ended, investigating China's motives in establishing CAFTA, and it evaluates economic integration in East Asia, in which both China and ASEAN hold key roles. Much of the research is based upon interviews with key policy makers in China. After providing a theoretical framework and discussing methodology, the book provides a background on economic cooperation between China and ASEAN f

Economic sanctions have long occupied the attention of both scholars and policy makers. Despite the widespread use of sanctions, many observers have concluded that the inherent problems associated with imposing sanctions involving multiple senders substantially limit their effectiveness. This article reviews two books that analyze the factors that influence cooperation among senders of multilateral sanctions. These books indicate that international institutions can do much to promote cooperation of this sort. However, this essay argues that the extent to which international institutions facilitate cooperation among senders of sanctions is likely to depend on the domestic politics of members, the type of institution being used for this purpose, the nature of the strategy being pursued, and the distribution of power among members. Although these books make significant contributions to our understanding of the factors that promote cooperation among senders of multilateral sanctions, they examine the factors that promote the effectiveness of sanctions in only a peripheral manner. One potential influence on the effectiveness of sanctions that are organized by an international institution, however, is the likelihood that the institution will be captured by member states or by interest groups within them. Additional research that investigates the conditions under which international institutions are likely to be captured and the implications of institutional capture for their performance may therefore prove useful to scholars of international relations and economic statecraft.

For many decades Chinese foreign direct investments in Latin America were not a subject of academic research or political debate. However, thanks to China's fast economic growth, huge saving rate and national reserves, the country plays a more and more important role not only in global trade, being the world's biggest exporter, but also in international investment scene by increasing the number and volume of its overseas businesses. Chinese FDIs in Latin America, although not as controversial as those in Africa, have registered a steady growth and seem to be both a chance and a threat for Latin American states. The scale and structure of FDI still remain relatively poor but the situation in the last years, especially 2009-2010 shows a significant change. Huge amount of Chinese FDI go to Brazil, which is also the recipient of the biggest Chinese single overseas business project (Porto do Aço). As far as Brazilian-Chinese bilateral economic relations are concerned, the complementarity of countries' economies gives hope of beneficial cooperation, but at the same time poses a threat on Brazil of being vulnerable to externalities and losing manufacturing advantage in exports. Moreover, Chinese presence in Latin America means not only counterbalance to the influence of the USA but also undermines Brazilian position in the region. Methodology: the author combines quantitative and qualitative data analysis. Data used for the purpose of the article come mainly from UNCTAD statistics on-line, statistics of Chinese Ministry of Commerce, CIA Factbook. Moreover, the author makes use of desk research and literature review. ; Chińskie Inwestycje Bezpośrednie W Ameryce Łacińskiej I Ich Wpływ Na Chińsko-Brazylijskie Stosunki GospodarczePrzez wiele dekad chińskie inwestycje bezpośrednie w Ameryce Łacińskiej nie stanowiły przedmiotu poważniejszych badań naukowych czy politycznej debaty. Szybki rozwój gospodarczy Chin, ogromne oszczędności i rezerwy narodowe, a także rola kraju w światowym handlu sprawiły jednakże, iż Chiny stały się nie tylko największym globalnym eksporterem, ale zaczęły ponadto odgrywać coraz poważniejszą rolą na scenie międzynarodowych inwestycji, sukcesywnie zwiększając ilość swoich inicjatyw gospodarczych za granicą. Chińskie inwestycje w Ameryce Łacińskiej, jeden z przykładów tego trendu, nie tak kontrowersyjny bynajmniej jak obecność Chin w Afryce, stanowią zarówno szansę jak i zagrożenie dla krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej. Struktura i skala chińskich BIZ nadal pozostaje dość nieznaczna, ale ta sytuacja zmienia się szybko, szczególnie analizując lata 2009-2010. Ogromna część chińskich BIZ trafia do Brazylii, która jest jednocześnie odbiorcą największej indywidualnej chińskiej inwestycji zagranicznej, jaką jest projekt budowy Porto do Aço. Stosunki brazylijsko-chińskie w zakresie współpracy gospodarczej z jednej strony wydają się być bardzo obiecujące z uwagi na komplementarność obu gospodarek, z drugiej jednak strony stwarzają zagrożenie dla Brazylii jakim jest nadmierne uzależnienie się od czynników zewnętrznych oraz utrata przewagi w eksporcie produktów przetworzonych, które wypierane są przez produkty chińskie. Ponadto, chińska obecność w Ameryce Łacińskiej nie oznacza tylko stworzenie przeciwwagi dla Stanów Zjednoczonych, ale podważa również pozycję Brazylii w regionie. Metodologia: autor łączy ilościową i jakościową analizę danych pochodzących głównie z baz UNCTAD, Chińskiego Ministerstwa Handlu, CIA i Brazylijskiego Ministerstwa Gospodarki. Ponadto, autor w ramach przeglądu dostępnej literatury, podejmuje się analizy i oceny badań dotyczących powyższego tematu przeprowadzonych przez m.in. Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada oraz badań opublikowanych przez Uniwersytet w Sao Paulo.

For many decades Chinese foreign direct investments in Latin America were not a subject of academic research or political debate. However, thanks to China's fast economic growth, huge saving rate and national reserves, the country plays a more and more important role not only in global trade, being the world's biggest exporter, but also in international investment scene by increasing the number and volume of its overseas businesses. Chinese FDIs in Latin America, although not as controversial as those in Africa, have registered a steady growth and seem to be both a chance and a threat for Latin American states. The scale and structure of FDI still remain relatively poor but the situation in the last years, especially 2009-2010 shows a significant change. Huge amount of Chinese FDI go to Brazil, which is also the recipient of the biggest Chinese single overseas business project (Porto do Aço). As far as Brazilian-Chinese bilateral economic relations are concerned, the complementarity of countries' economies gives hope of beneficial cooperation, but at the same time poses a threat on Brazil of being vulnerable to externalities and losing manufacturing advantage in exports. Moreover, Chinese presence in Latin America means not only counterbalance to the influence of the USA but also undermines Brazilian position in the region. Methodology: the author combines quantitative and qualitative data analysis. Data used for the purpose of the article come mainly from UNCTAD statistics on-line, statistics of Chinese Ministry of Commerce, CIA Factbook. Moreover, the author makes use of desk research and literature review. ; Chińskie Inwestycje Bezpośrednie W Ameryce Łacińskiej I Ich Wpływ Na Chińsko-Brazylijskie Stosunki GospodarczePrzez wiele dekad chińskie inwestycje bezpośrednie w Ameryce Łacińskiej nie stanowiły przedmiotu poważniejszych badań naukowych czy politycznej debaty. Szybki rozwój gospodarczy Chin, ogromne oszczędności i rezerwy narodowe, a także rola kraju w światowym handlu sprawiły jednakże, iż Chiny stały się nie tylko największym globalnym eksporterem, ale zaczęły ponadto odgrywać coraz poważniejszą rolą na scenie międzynarodowych inwestycji, sukcesywnie zwiększając ilość swoich inicjatyw gospodarczych za granicą. Chińskie inwestycje w Ameryce Łacińskiej, jeden z przykładów tego trendu, nie tak kontrowersyjny bynajmniej jak obecność Chin w Afryce, stanowią zarówno szansę jak i zagrożenie dla krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej. Struktura i skala chińskich BIZ nadal pozostaje dość nieznaczna, ale ta sytuacja zmienia się szybko, szczególnie analizując lata 2009-2010. Ogromna część chińskich BIZ trafia do Brazylii, która jest jednocześnie odbiorcą największej indywidualnej chińskiej inwestycji zagranicznej, jaką jest projekt budowy Porto do Aço. Stosunki brazylijsko-chińskie w zakresie współpracy gospodarczej z jednej strony wydają się być bardzo obiecujące z uwagi na komplementarność obu gospodarek, z drugiej jednak strony stwarzają zagrożenie dla Brazylii jakim jest nadmierne uzależnienie się od czynników zewnętrznych oraz utrata przewagi w eksporcie produktów przetworzonych, które wypierane są przez produkty chińskie. Ponadto, chińska obecność w Ameryce Łacińskiej nie oznacza tylko stworzenie przeciwwagi dla Stanów Zjednoczonych, ale podważa również pozycję Brazylii w regionie. Metodologia: autor łączy ilościową i jakościową analizę danych pochodzących głównie z baz UNCTAD, Chińskiego Ministerstwa Handlu, CIA i Brazylijskiego Ministerstwa Gospodarki. Ponadto, autor w ramach przeglądu dostępnej literatury, podejmuje się analizy i oceny badań dotyczących powyższego tematu przeprowadzonych przez m.in. Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada oraz badań opublikowanych przez Uniwersytet w Sao Paulo.