Relative Liberalisierung und Förderung der Kritik durch die neue Führung nach Maos Tod und Entmachtung der "Viererbande". Rehabilitierung der Opfer der Kulturrevolution und anderer Gegner Mao Zedongs und der Maoisten vor und nach der Kulturrevolution. Relativer Pluralismus in den Sozialwissenschaften wird gefördert. Ungewisse Zukunft für Meinungsfreiheit. (DÜI-Sen)
Bei den Parlamentswahlen in Südafrika im September 1989 verlor die regierende National Party sowohl an die liberale Democratic Party (DP) wie an die ultrakonservative Conservative Party (CP) erheblich. Trotz der auf den ersten Blick alarmierenden Mandatsgewinne der CP kann insgesamt von einer Abwehr des Ansturms der ultrakonservativen Kräfte gesprochen werden. Die eigentliche Überraschung war das sehr gute Abschneiden der DP. Als Folge des Wahlausgangs wird sich der Einflußschwerpunkt von den "Securocrats" zu den "Diploticians" verlagern. Dies und die Persönlichkeit des neuen Staatspräsidenten machen die Chancen für einen Wandel so günstig wie nie, doch ist für diesen viel Zeit erforderlich. (SWP-Whr)
Front Matter --Brüchige Verbindungen Die Beziehungen zwischen FDP und LDPD 1956-1966 /Engelmann, Roger --Die Einheit der Nation rückt in die Ferne: Ergebnislose Bemühungen und Desillusionierungen 1957-1961 /Engelmann, Roger --Vom Primat der deutschen Frage zur Normalisierungspolitik: Kontakte und kleine Schritte über die Mauer hinweg 1961-1966 /Engelmann, Roger --Paul Erker "Arbeit nach Westdeutschland" Innenansichten des deutschlandpolitischen Apparates der SED 1959-1969 /Erker, Paul --"Westarbeit" und deutschlandpolitische Wende 1965-1969 /Erker, Paul --Back Matter
Introduction: Analysing the 2013 Australian Federal Election - Carol Johnson, John Wanna and Hsu-Ann Lee, S. 1. - Part 1. Campaign Themes and Context. - 1. An Overview of the 2013 Federal Election Campaign: Ruinous politics, cynical adversarialism and contending agendas - Jennifer Rayner and John Wanna, S. 17. - 2. The Battle for Hearts and Minds - Carol Johnson, S. 35. - 3. The Leadership Contest: An end to the 'messiah complex'? - Paul Strangio and James Walter, S. 49. - Part 2. Vital Images of the Campaign-The Media, Campaign Advertising, Polls, Predictions and the Cartoons. - 4. The Empire Strikes Back: Mainstream media still matters - Wayne Errington, S. 67. - 5. New Media in the Electoral Context: The new normal - Peter John Chen, S. 81. - 6. Campaign Advertising and Communication Strategies in the Election of 2013 - Sally Young, S. 95. - 7. Making Policy and Winning Votes: Election promises and political strategies in the 2013 campaign - Nicholas Reece, S. 109. - 8. How the Pollsters Called the Horse Race: Changing polling technologies, cost pressures, and the concentration on the two-party-preferred - Murray Goot, S. 123. - 9. All That Glitters: Betting markets and the 2013 Australian federal election - Simon Jackman, S. 143. - 10. Nearly All About Kevin: The election as drawn by Australian cartoonists - Haydon Manning and Robert Phiddian, S. 161. - Part 3. Party Perspectives. - 11. The Liberal Campaign in the 2013 Federal Election - Brian Loughnane, S. 191. - 12. The Labor Party Campaign and Aftermath - George Wright, S. 203. - 13. The 2013 Federal Election: The Greens campaign - Andrew Bartlett, S. 211. - Part 4. Regional Variations in Voting Trends. - 14. The Electoral Geography of the 2013 Election: Voting patterns in the states and regions for the Lower House - Dean Jaensch with Narelle Miragliotta and Rae Wear, S. 225. - 15. Regional Place-Based Identities and Party Strategies at the 2013 Federal Election - Geoff Robinson, S. 249. - 16. The Contest for
"This paper investigates the political coalitions giving rise to diverse types of interactions between revenue systems and welfare states. It has been widely acknowledged that coordinated economies with larger public sectors have somewhat regressive tax systems, with a heavy reliance on the taxation of consumption and wages over capital and property. Liberal economies, alternatively, have had more progressive tax systems but smaller welfare states. I suggest that the divergence in the mechanisms for representing employers -- through industrial relations and party systems -- helps to explain how different models of taxing and spending develop over the course of the twentieth century. Industrial coordination encourages higher levels of tax consent among employers, by simultaneously expanding employers' support for social programmes and giving employers the leverage to restrict taxation of capital and to push consumption taxes. The paper evaluates the role of employers and industrial coordination in the architecture of tax regimes in Denmark and the USA in the early 1900s and 1960s." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))
The defeat of the SPD (Social Democratic Party) during the 1957 Bundestag elections triggered intense debate on the principles and policies of the SPD. This controversy came to a provisional end two years later in Bad Godesberg when Heinrich Deist, a social democrat and economist, proposed a compromise which would bridge the differences between marxist traditionalists and liberal reformists. The compromise foresaw the nationalization of the coal mining industry but, in turn called for the explicit renunciation of nationalization in all other sectors. However, with the onset of the Ruhr coal crisis in 1958, the problems were exacerbated by the friction which arose between coal miners and consumers, threatening the very fabric of social democracy. The outcome was not only the rejection of constructive coal mining policy for years to come but also a further weakening of the economics profile of the Godesberger Programm. This development, welcomed by policymakers, enabled the SPD to evolve into a successful catch-all-party under Willy Brandt's leadership during the 1960's. (Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte / FUB)
David Torrance reassesses the relationship between 'nationalism' and 'unionism' in Scottish politics, challenging a binary reading of the two ideologies with the concept of 'nationalist unionism'. Scottish nationalism did not begin with the SNP in 1934, nor was it confined to political parties that desired independent statehood. Rather, it was more dispersed, with the Liberal, Conservative and Labour parties all attempting to harness Scottish national identity and nationalism between 1884 and 2014, often with the paradoxical goal of strengthening rather than ending the Union. The book combines nationalist theory with empirical historical and archival research to argue that these conceptions of Scottish nationhood had much more in common with each other than is commonly accepted
