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In the face of rapid population ageing and the trend towards early retirement, there is a need to promote better employment opportunities for older people. Much has been said about the need for reform of old-age pensions and early retirement schemes but this may not be sufficient to raise employment rates for older people significantly or to reduce the future risk of labor shortages. Both governments and firms will need to take active measures to adapt wage setting to ageing workforces, to address the extent to which other welfare schemes act as pathways to early retirement, to tackle age discrimination and to improve the job skills and working conditions of older workers. In addition, older workers will need to change their own attitudes towards working longer and acquiring new skills. Little is known about what countries have been doing or should be doing in these areas. This report contains a survey of the main barriers to employment for older workers, an assessment of the adequacy and effectiveness of existing measures to overcome these barriers and a set of policy recommendations for further action by the public authorities and social partners.--Publisher summary

The recent debate in Germany about nuclear sharing confirmed the broad support among decision-makers for continued involvement in the political dimension of NATO's sharing arrangements, i. e., participation in the Alliance's nuclear consultative bodies. At the same time, German decision-makers hold divergent views on continued participation in the operational and technical aspects of nuclear sharing. Russia's arsenal of approximately 2,000 tactical nuclear weapons is of great concern to Germany and many in Berlin are worried that Russia is systematically expanding its nuclear arsenal. German decision-makers and the government support NATO's dual-track policy of deterring and engaging Russia. German policy-makers' arguments on the added military value of forward-deployed US nuclear weapons remain vague and there are few specific ideas about what type of arms control would be best suited to reduce the role and number of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. There are four frameworks in which tactical nuclear weapons could be discussed with Russia, namely the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), other multilateral fora, the Russian — US bilateral dialogue on strategic stability, and the NATO — Russia Council. If Russia is serious about reducing the role and number of nuclear weapons in Europe, it should accept the reciprocity paradigm and drop some worn-out demands and positions that have little relevance for political debates around arms control in Berlin and elsewhere.

KEY ISSUESContext:? Germany fundamentals are sound: balance sheets are generally healthy,unemployment is at a historic low, and the fiscal position is strong.? While a recovery is underway, medium-term growth prospects are subdued and thecurrent account surplus remains high. The economy also faces a still weakinternational environment, lingering uncertainty (including about future energycosts), and fast approaching adverse demographic changes.? Germany could do more to increase its growth, thus strengthening its role as anengine of euro area recovery.Policy recommendations:? Germany has the fi

As the most important medium of memory, German television has refracted intellectual debates about the burden of the past and influenced the popular perception of nazism for generations of viewers since the 1960s. However, limited access to archives and intellectual prejudice have so far prevented a full appreciation of television's role in the evolution of German collective memory. This article addresses this gap in the scholarship on contemporary Germany by taking a closer look at the historical coverage broadcast by the West German public television station ZDF between 1963 and 1993. In the course of our analysis the development of the contents of three decades of programming on the history of the Third Reich is linked to the available qualitative and quantitative television reception data for the same period. The evidence suggests that West German viewers were quite interested in the history of nazism and the second world war. With the exception of the mid-1970s there is no indication that the audience systematically avoided the historical coverage of the ZDF. But the data also indicates that this surprising willingness to engage with the burden of the past reflects significant changes in media content and political disposition. In the 1960s, television recycled the apologetic plot structures of West Germany's postwar historical culture. As a result, the programmes all but ignored the Holocaust and provided a very schematic, self-serving image of the past for the benefit of viewers who had themselves experienced the Third Reich. In the 1980s a more complex and self-critical vision of the nazi past appeared on the screen and was appreciated by a more diverse audience, including a majority of viewers who shared no personal responsibility for the crimes of the regime. But even the improved programming of the 1980s for the most part avoided any direct confrontation with the perpetrators and bystanders of the 'Final Solution'.

Although strong traditional principles have stifled reform of multiple procedures beyond joinder and consolidation, injunction claims by associations and commercial organizations have for some decades been more active in Germany than many European states. Since 2000, innovative experiments have been under way with a special model case procedure for investor claims and assignment of claims in antitrust. Both these approaches are likely to prove inadequate, but debates on reform remain cautious.

Adenauer's Germany -- Postwar -- Silent fifties -- The red decade -- Anti-authoritarian revolt -- Radical left -- From protest to parliament -- Between Harrisburg and Hiroshima -- Autumn of the Euromissiles -- Going realo -- One two many Germanys -- The Berlin Republic -- German questions -- The price of power -- Continential drift