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Principals are positioned at the center of school improvement. In the United States, current turnaround reforms target the principalship as a key lever for change. This article uses institutional theory to explore the logics of turnaround leadership that steer principals and their work. Specifically, we draw on qualitative interview data from a phenomenological study of a cohort of aspiring turnaround principals in a northeastern state to explain how educators invoked and enacted four logics of turnaround leadership. We found that, in addition to engaging with the previously identified logics of instructional, managerial, and social justice leadership, participants invoked a new logic that we name "triggering change." This logic focused squarely on building capacity via positive relationships and shaping culture as mechanisms for whole school improvement. By depicting aspiring principals' conceptions and negotiations of these four logics, we contribute to the literature on turnaround policy and leadership with implications for turnaround leader development.

This paper reports the findings of a study undertaken with Malaysian nurses who studied for a locally provided part-time post-registration top-up Nursing Degree versus those who studied on a Transnational Higher Education (TNHE) programme. Both types of programmes are bridging courses that allow registered nurses to upgrade their Diploma qualifications to Degree level. What is not sufficiently explored in available literature is nurses' rationales for choosing a local programme over TNHE programme. Using hermeneutic phenomenology, six Malaysian nurses (chosen by snowball sampling method) were interviewed, in English and Bahasa Malaysia (Malaysian language). Thematic analysis was used to analyse data. The structure of the course and taught theory influenced the nurses' choice to study on a local programme: the deciding factor was the practice component that ensured a theory-practice connection. The findings principally provide insights to TNHE providers and may guide them to enhance their teaching delivery, support and courses.

AbstractAlthough queer linguistics has long acknowledged the playful use of potentially impolite utterances by LGBT people to build in-group solidarity these practices have not been analyzed from a sociopragmatic approach, nor have they been mentioned in the general pragmatics literature. Responding to these two gaps, the present study examines the functional use of the interactional practice 'reading' in the backstage talk of four drag queen performers. By employing a mock impoliteness analytical framework (Haugh & Bousfield 2012) this study shows how these utterances, which could potentially be evaluated as genuine impoliteness outside of the appropriate context, are positively evaluated by in-group members who recognize the importance of "building a thick skin" to face a hostile environment from LGBT and non-LGBT people. This study also seeks to draw attention to the use of backstage talk, and supplemental interview data, to uncover drag queen cultural practices through language use.

AbstractParticipation in decision‐making procedures of young people in care is considered a key element that affects their current or future living circumstances and might improve the quality of decision‐making on and delivery of provided services.This narrative literature review, covering the period 2000–2016, focuses on the opportunities of young people to participate, the challenges and facilitators to participation, and the outcomes of care related to participation.Sixteen studies met our search criteria. Several studies show that young people seem to have limited possibilities to "meaningful" participation in decision‐making. Various challenges and facilitators in the participation process emerge with regard to the level of the young person, the professional, and the (sociocultural) context. None of the studies provides evidence for a connection between the "amount" of youth participation in decision‐making and/or treatment during the care process and the outcomes of residential care. Implications for research and practice are reflected upon.

The relationship between inequality and civil conflict has attracted considerable interest in conflict research. Recent large -N studies have shown that inequalities significantly contribute to the outbreak of civil conflict and have proposed a number of causal pathways to account for this. These pathways, however, have rarely been assessed in systematic case-based research. This study implements a "middle -N" qualitative congruence analysis of 16 conflicts, focusing on the observable implications of the pathways through which inequalities are typically theorized to influence conflict. The study finds evidence to support some of the main pathways proposed in the quantitative literature. Furthermore, the analysis finds that different types of inequalities relate to different conflict categories. Specifically, vertical inequalities relate to non-ethnic governmental conflicts (via an "individual deprivation pathway"), regional inequalities to non-ethnic territorial conflicts (via a "separatist pathway"), and horizontal inequalities to ethnic conflicts (via a "group deprivation pathway").

A rich theoretical literature argues that, in contradiction to Duverger's law, the plurality voting rule can fail to produce two-party system when voters do not share their common information about the electoral situation. We present an empirical operationalization and a series of tests of this informational hypothesis in the case of India using constituency- and individual-level data. In highly illiterate constituencies where access to information and information sharing among voters is low, voters often fail to coordinate on the two most viable parties. In highly literate constituencies, voters are far more successful at avoiding vote-wasting—in line with the informational hypothesis. At a microlevel, these aggregate-level patterns are driven by the interaction of individual information and the informational context: In dense informational environments, even low-information voters can successfully identify viable parties and vote for them, but in sparse informational environments, individual access to information is essential for successful strategic voting.

Peace historians have long neglected the Junior Reserve Officers' Training Corps (JROTC), a high school military training program that celebrated its centennial in 2016. This article thus fills a gap in the literature on resistance to militarism by investigating a series of anti‐JROTC campaigns in the city of Baltimore, beginning in 1979. Drawing from archives, oral histories, and the mainstream and activist press, this article argues that activists ultimately failed to prevent the JROTC from being established there because their antimilitarist, ideological messages did not connect with pragmatically minded school board members. The article also demonstrates that a poor economy and a changing public mood created challenges for those who wanted to demilitarize public schools. Although the JROTC ultimately established a beachhead in Baltimore, the struggles of these activists—led by Frances Donelan of the American Friends Service Committee—were an important phase in the history of the post‐Vietnam peace movement.

AbstractScholars across the social sciences have debated whether resource dependence curses or blesses national development prospects, with a growing consensus on mixed outcomes and the centrality of institutions. Mainstream literature, however, falls short in depicting what the resource curse entails: the claim that "institutions matter" usually has a narrow meaning that largely overlooks the significance of place. A review of the paved road in research reveals a need to critically integrate approaches to studying the curse, as well as more insightful research onwhichinstitutions matter,how, andwhere. Expounding six governance challenges and thirteen development traps, I set out a simple yet crucial lesson: resource-based development presents both blessings and curses for any given resource-rich country in any given time period, and institutions are likely to be part of the explanation. I sketch how a "context matters" framework could guide future research, with illustrations from the Latin American experience.

Objectives: Literature suggests some inconsistent results in the validity and reliability of the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SwLS) in older samples. The objective was to evaluate the psychometric properties of the SwLS in a cross-cultural sample of older adults.Methods: This is a validation study to assess the psychometric properties of the SWLS in a sample of 1291 older adults 75 years of age or older, cross-culturally diverse and living in the community. A confirmatory factor analysis was performed. Item analysis and reliability, were also assessed.Results: The systematic procedure used in the SwLS validation points to a good level of psychometric properties, such as reliability, construct, criterion validity, external validity and divergent criterion validity, suggesting that the SwL is assessing a construct different from the ones evaluated by PANAS and OtLQ.Conclusion: The SwLS has demonstrated reliability, validity, and reproducibility for use in measuring health-related satisfaction with life among older adults in policy programs and interventions in community settings.

AbstractIn this paper I discuss, critically, the literature on populism and the extent to which it applies to the contemporary radical right-wing parties in Europe. These parties are often – and increasingly – referred to as populist parties. I argue that it is misleading to label these parties 'populist parties', since populism is not the most pertinent feature of this party family. These parties are mainly defined by ethnic nationalism, and not a populist ideology. In their discourse they are primarily preoccupied with questions pertaining to national identity and national security – and their 'negative' doubles immigration, multiculturalism, Islamist threat – and they consistently pit 'the people' mainly against elites that they view as responsible for a cultural and political threat against their idealized image of their nation state. The ethnic nationalism of European radical right-wing parties is more important for their discourse and tends to influence the populist elements.

What explains the cross-national variation in inflation rates across countries? In contrast to most literature, which emphasizes the role of ideas and institutions, this article focuses on electoral politics and argues that aging leads to lower inflation rates. Countries with a larger share of elderly exhibit lower inflation because older people are both more inflation averse and politically powerful, forcing parties seeking their votes to pursue lower inflation. Logistic regression analysis of survey data confirms that older people are more inflation averse and more likely to punish incumbents at the ballot box for inflation. Panel data regression analysis shows that social democratic parties have more economically orthodox manifestos in European countries with more elderly people, and that the share of elderly is negatively correlated with inflation in both a sample of 21 advanced economies and a larger sample of 175 countries. Aging therefore pushes governments to pursue lower inflation.

AbstractThe twin forces of globalization and devolution have created administrative circumstances that strain the problem‐solving capacity of local governments and increase the importance of nongovernmental processes and institutions. The literature suggests that locally owned firms are more likely to engender higher levels of civic engagement critical to buttressing that problem‐solving capacity. This research adds an additional dimension, investigating to whom those firms sell and through which supply channels. Using survey results from hundreds of local firms across five study sites, this research demonstrates that locally facing firms—that is, firms that intentionally interface with community members and other local businesses—are associated with greater levels of civic and political engagement compared with locally owned firms that sell their products to customers elsewhere. Findings suggest that local governments should look beyond the local/nonlocal ownership binary to consider how private firms can be partners in serving and supporting their communities.

The progressive's dilemma suggests that a trade-off exists between, on the one hand, labour and welfare rights underpinned by solidarity and shared identity and, on the other hand, open immigration regimes. With reference to debates on EU free movement in the United Kingdom, it is argued (1) that a progressive European critical political economy literature of the Left has a tendency to accept this dilemma and resolve it in favour of the former; (2) that it does so because it erroneously conflates the free movement of people with the (increasingly neoliberal) free movement of goods, capital and services; and (3) that it could and should treat human mobility as qualitatively different and, consequently, need not accept the terms of the progressive's dilemma. The argument has important implications for a progressive politics in general and for the Left's (particularly the Labour Party's) position in the United Kingdom on free movement (and, by extension, on Brexit).

In recent decades, the introduction of market principles has transformed public service delivery into a hybrid. However, little is known about how these changes are reflected in the attitudes of private implementing agents: The hybridization literature neglects individuals, and street‐level bureaucracy research has disregarded hybridization. This article extends Hupe and Hill's () accountability regimes framework to introduce the market as an additional accountability regime alongside state, profession, and society. Using a configurational approach, the article explores how public and private food safety inspectors in Switzerland perceive the multiple norms for behavior stemming from their environment. Results suggest that the plural accountabilities of for‐profit street‐level bureaucrats can increase the dilemmas involved in their work. Under certain circumstances, for‐profit street‐level bureaucrats have particular difficulties reconciling rule pressure with market incentives and client demands. The extended accountability regimes framework fruitfully captures such dilemmas and helps identify suitable governance responses.

Research examining ethnic and cultural differences among individuals who commit sex offenses remains limited. Specifically, literature focusing on sex offenses committed by Latinos is scarce. Using archival data from a large sample of individuals who committed sex offenses, this study explored differences between Latino, White, and African American individuals related to their characteristics, the offenses, and the victims. Latinos in the sample were more likely to have a lower educational level, and to be living with the victim, than either their White or African American counterparts. To further understand the influence of cultural background, the study also examined differences within the Latino group based on their country of origin. Within the Latino sample, differences emerged in their educational level, criminal background, and psychiatric history. These findings are discussed as they pertain to future research and current practices related to the management and treatment of Latinos who commit sexual offenses.