Suchergebnisse

L'article propose de cerner quelques rationalités temporelles entourant des pratiques revendicatives à Moscou. Il est issu d'une enquête de terrain en partie filmique sur des coalitions protestataires qui se sont formées à la charnière des années 2000 et 2010 autour d'événements saillants (violences policières contre des jeunes en avril 2008, double assassinat politique en janvier 2009, mobilisation contre un projet d'autoroute traversant la forêt de Khimki, au nord de la capitale). L'objectif est double : l'article décrit, tout d'abord, les contraintes pragmatiques et normatives variées qui pèsent sur les activités protestataires, envisagées dans leur ancrage spatial et leur épaisseur temporelle. Dans un second temps, il retrace la pluralité des façons des collectifs militants de maîtriser leur temps. Il pose la question de la possibilité de ces collectifs d'accéder, malgré les contraintes, à des temps choisis.

During the War of the Spanish Succession, the duke of Lorraine trod a difficult path in his attempts to maintain the independence of his state. While Louis XIV agreed in principle to respect his neutrality, the French nevertheless imposed significant restrictions on the duke's sovereignty. The Grand Alliance, meanwhile, viewed Leopold's neutrality with suspicion and refused to assist him unless he publicly declared for the coalition. The dissonance in views regarding the status of Lorraine reflected a long-term clash of sovereignties in the region, between France, Lorraine and the Holy Roman Empire. It also reflected the evolving status of neutrality in international relations, as well as attendant tensions within the European dynastic system: though the duke's policy of neutrality may have saved Lorraine from potential devastation in the war, it severely impeded his dynasty's ambitions.

This manuscript takes the controversy over Burton's "Love" snowboard, which featured Playboy Playmates, as a case study for understanding contemporary practices of gendered lifestyle branding in alternative sport. I employ a feminist political economic critique of the Love as a form of gendered branding that constructs the Burton brand as a "platform for action," inviting male riders to construct "authentic" and countercultural identities and female riders to construct "empowered" postfeminist identities. Drawing on scholarship on the sexual objectification of women in alternative sports media, I argue protests against the board focused only on the board's representations and failed to account for new branding strategies that relegitimate how "sex sells" at the present conjuncture and missed opportunities to build coalitions against sexism within the snowboarding industry.

This paper aims to specify the meaning of gentrification in rapidly peri-urbanising metropolitan regions in the context of Indonesia's rapid transition to decentralisation and democracy. It discusses a case study of conflict over an environmental revitalisation project in a peri-urban area of Bandung City. The analysis focuses on the political processes, tactics and strategies supporting and opposing peri-urban gentrification and their consequences. The analysis illustrates how these political dynamics mediate the interaction between the movement of capital and the spatial reorganisation of social classes. It is argued that in the context of a peri-urbanising metropolis, gentrification needs to be narrated less in terms of class-based neighbourhood succession and more in terms of competing cross-class coalitions emerging at local and regional levels.

The Treaty of Lisbon reformed the budgetary process in the European Union. We present a game-theoretical analysis and an empirical evaluation of the new annual budgetary procedure. We find that the procedure operates much like the ordinary legislative procedure, and puts the European Parliament on an equal footing with the Council. Given the prevailing preference configuration, our empirical analysis shows that the European Parliament does not derive power from its veto right. Any voting coalition that commands a qualified majority in the Council includes a majority of the Members of the European Parliament. However, the European Parliament does derive power from its amendment and proposal rights. Furthermore, we conclude that the procedure is poorly designed and can lead to the breakdown of negotiations.

AbstractWe build upon current theory on strategic organizational practice transfer in multinational firms by incorporating the agency of actors and applying an institutional lens to the transfer process. Our theoretical analysis suggests that practice transfer is a process of institutional change that leads not only to practice adoption, adaptation, or nonadoption, but also to reconstruction. We argue that when contradictions exist within and across institutional environments, misaligned interests motivate actors to engage in praxis. As a parent‐subsidiary coalition, these actors reconstruct the practice by transcending the multitude of institutional environments that comprise the institutional system. Our process theory provides insight into how less powerful subsidiary actors engage in praxis to extend knowledge and build new capabilities within the firm. Copyright © 2014 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This research uses the concept of intersectionality to help improve understanding of the relationship between race and gender as it pertains to the jurisdictional context of elective offices held by Blacks, Latinos, Asian-Americans, and American-Indians at the subnational level. Utilizing an enhanced version of a comprehensive data set associated with the Gender and Multicultural Leadership Project, we document more substantial evidence of ethnoracial descriptive representation in state and local offices than previously known as well as important variations by race, gender, level/type of office, and their intersections. To help disentangle the paradoxical position of political women of color, we discuss with three scenarios implications of jurisdictional context on building electoral coalitions across race or gender by women of color.

AbstractThis paper contributes to our understanding of why delegitimising focusing events, combined with the mobilisation of policy losers, does not always result in major policy change by undermining a monopolistic policy image and policy subsystem. Based on a close enquiry of American biofuel policy development, it argues that we can make headway in this endeavour by focusing on three factors: first, the congruence of a policy image with core values of the polity; second, the multidimensionality of a policy image; and third, policy image management strategies that maintain cohesion among coalition supporters and respond to outside criticism. In understanding better why some policy images (and policy monopolies) prove resilient when they come under assault, this paper offers a single case plausibility probe supported by indicative evidence from other policy studies.

The election of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in May 2014 as Egypt's President has ushered in a new order. The tacit alliance forged during the rule of Sisi's predecessor, Mohammed Morsi, between the Muslim Brotherhood and the military had gradually eroded by the end of 2012. Currently, the military and the business elites constitute the core of an emerging tactical alliance, with the Salafist Nour party and secular political forces occupying a secondary position. In the mid-term, the consolidation of the post-July 2013 order will depend first and foremost on the alliance's capacity to ensure economic recovery. Secular and Islamist forces have each been forging electoral coalitions to try to win seats in the coming parliamentary elections, which are supposed to take place before the end of 2014. (SWP Comments)

Studies show that social media play an important role in shaping political discourse. Applications of Web 2.0, particularly Twitter, are currently influencing the nature of online participation in which the audience is not merely passively reading web content, but is actually contributing to and creating the content.This study examines communication on Twitter during the 13th Malaysian General Election based on Twitter messages collected under the #PRU13 hashtag.The analyzed dataset is collected from Twitter's public timeline from May 1 to May 6, 2013.This study found lack of diversity in the discussion on Twitter sphere in which tweets that are pro-Barisan National coalition dominates the #pru13. Based on the communication patterns, however, #PRU13 constitute a multifaceted group of commenters who seek to persuade, educate, provoke and so on.

A new perspective has begun to challenge both the conventional portrayal of the Vietnamese revolution and the communist account of its success. This essay takes stock of new research that presents revolutionary Vietnam in a more complex and less triumphal way. It is argued that Vietnam's nationalist revolution (1945-46) should be conceptually distinguished from the subsequent socialist revolution (1948-88). The former had a distinctly urban and bourgeois character, was led by a coalition of the upper and middle classes, and lacked ideological intensity. The latter was imposed from above, based on socialist visions, and dependent on foreign assistance. The failure to disentangle the two revolutions in existing narratives assigns little agency to Vietnamese actors and leads to triumphs being exaggerated while tragedies are overlooked. (J Southeast Asian Stud/GIGA)

This paper examines a relative rarity in recent Canadian labour-state relations: the successful resistance by public sector workers and their allies to government-driven employment precarity. At stake was Toronto mayor Rob Ford's determination to contract out a thousand jobs held by city cleaners. In response, the cleaners and the city's labour movement launched a Justice and Dignity for Cleaners campaign to preserve these jobs as living wage employment. Effective coalition building behind a morally compelling campaign, together with some fortuitous political alignments, has forestalled city efforts to privatize a significant yet undervalued segment of the workforce. Our examination of the Justice and Dignity for Cleaners campaign reveals that resistance to precarity is not futile, notwithstand ing some attendant ambiguity of what constitutes a labour victory.

AbstractThis paper offers a historical examination of the ways in which advocacy strategies and tactics have shifted in relation to political opportunities, using a case study of a hydroelectric dam project in the Brazilian Amazon, known as the Belo Monte Dam. Drawing on over three decades of resistance by transnational activist coalitions, the paper looks at how new tactics and political alignments have altered the dynamics of activism and norm diffusion in Brazilian domestic environmental, human rights and development policies. The paper argues that current theories of norm diffusion inadequately explain backslides and tend to underestimate the complexity of domestic political alignments. The case adds political insight to our understanding of the relationship of transnational advocacy strategy to environmental and human rights political realities in Brazil.

The Lift Up Oakland Coalition, an alliance of community, labor, small business and faith organizations, has placed an initiative on the Oakland November 2014 ballot that would establish a minimum wage of $12.25 for businesses in the city starting March 1, 2015. This study examines the effects of a $12.25 minimum wage on Oakland workers and businesses.Drawing on a variety of government data sources, we estimate that more than a quarter of the Oakland workforce would benefit from the proposed policy, with the average worker earning an additional $2,700 a year. Our analysis of the existing economic research literature suggests that businesses will adjust to modest increases in operating costs through reduced employee turnover costs, improved work performance, and a small, one-time increase in restaurant prices.

This paper explains changes in partisanship among Catholics in the last quarter of the 20th Century using a theory of partisan change centered on the contexts in which Catholics lived. Catholics were part of the post-New Deal Democratic coalition, but they have become a swing demographic group. We argue that these changes in partisanship are best explained by changes in elite messages that are filtered through an individual's social network. Those Catholics who lived or moved into the increasingly Republican suburbs and South were the Catholics who were most likely to adopt a non-Democratic partisan identity. Changes in context better explain Catholic partisanship than party abortion policy post Roe v. Wade or ideological sorting. We demonstrate evidence in support of our argument using the ANES cumulative file from 1972 through 2000.