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Building on Schmitz's earlier work, Thank God They're on our Side, this is an examination of American policy toward right-wing dictatorships from the 1960s to the end of the Cold War. During the 1920s American leaders developed a policy of supporting authoritarian regimes because they were seen as stable, anti-communist, and capitalist. After 1965, however, American support for these regimes became a contested issue. The Vietnam War served to undercut the logic and rationale of supporting right-wing dictators. By systematically examining US support for right-wing dictatorships in Africa, Latin America, Europe, and Asia, and bringing together these disparate episodes, this book examines the persistence of older attitudes, the new debates brought about by the Vietnam War, and the efforts to bring about changes and an end to automatic US support for authoritarian regimes

After 200 years of bondage, India gained freedom from the British through numerous revolutionary movements in 1947. But, within 20 years of the independence, insurgent movements had started arising against the Indian Government as well. In 1967, the Naxalite insurgency was initiated as a radical protest by the oppressed peasants against the colonial tenancy system retained by the feudal landowners even after the British had left the country for good. The uprising got pinpointed as Naxalism and the rebels as Naxals, as it all started at Naxalbari, a village in the Indian state of West Bengal. Spanning over 50 years, this ongoing movement initially acquired the respect of the general population of India with its radical ideologies of fighting against the oppressor imperialists but soon mutated into a source of terror. A qualitative assessment of the instances taken from secondary sources, such as context-related online journals and blog articles, will help this paper to explain the formation of the contemporary perception of Naxalism as an extreme radical armed revolution and one of the biggest security challenges against the Indian Government.

Intro -- Inhalt -- Vorwort -- 1. Einleitung -- 2. Theoretischer Rahmen -- 2.1 Zum Gewaltbegriff -- 2.2 Zum Begriff des Rechtsextremismus -- 2.3 Zum Opferbegriff -- 2.4 Sozialisationsmodell -- 2.5 Opfer- und Opfererfahrungstypologien -- 2.6 Desintegrationsansatz -- 2.7 Anerkennungsansatz -- 2.8 Viktimisierung, Interaktion und Macht -- 2.9 Bewältigung -- 3. Stand der wissenschaftlichen Forschung -- 3.1 Viktimisierung -- 3.2 Folgen der Viktimisierung -- 3.2.1 Erklärungsmodelle für Prozesse nach der Viktimisierung -- 3.2.2 Traumatisierung -- 3.2.3 Sekundäre und tertiäre Viktimisierung -- 3.2.4 Individuelle Folgen -- 3.2.5 Soziale Folgen -- 3.3 Bewältigung -- 3.3.1 Formen der Bewältigung -- 3.3.2 Funktionen der Bewältigung -- 3.3.3 Die Ökonomie der Bewältigung -- 3.3.4 Bewältigungsstrategien -- 3.4 Soziale Unterstützung -- 3.4.1 Definition und Arten sozialer Unterstützung -- 3.4.2 Positive und negative Auswirkungen sozialer Unterstützung -- 3.4.3 Opferhilfestellen -- 4. Methodische Konzeption der empirischen Studie -- 4.1 Die "Grounded Theory" -- 4.1.1 Die Begründer der Grounded Theory -- 4.1.2 Qualitative Forschung nach der Grounded Theory -- 4.2 Erhebungsverfahren -- 4.3 Auswertungsverfahren -- 5. Forschungsfragen und Durchführung der Untersuchung -- 5.1 Forschungsfragen -- 5.2 Durchführung der Untersuchung -- 6. Ergebnisse der empirischen Studie -- 6.1 Interaktionen im Rahmen des Übergriffs und ihre Folgen für die Opfer -- 6.2 Erfolgreiche Opferreaktionen und geschlechtstypische Unterschiede -- 6.3 Reaktionen Unbeteiligter und sozialer Kontrollinstanzen -- 6.4 Bewältigungsstrategien von Opfern rechtsextremer Gewalt -- 6.4.1 Aktive Bewältigung -- 6.4.2 Innerpsychische Bewältigung -- 6.4.3 Zu Vielfalt und Unterschieden individueller Bewältigungsstrategien -- 6.5 Religion -- 6.6 Migration -- 6.7 Deutschlandbilder.

Over the last 20 years the post-war centre-ground which recognized the welfare state, the funding of education, protection of the environment and the management of capitalism as the proper business of the state, has fragmented. The New Left of the 1990s is more conservative than the Old Left of the 1960s and 70s. Emphasis on the freedom of the individual and the proper limitations of state power has changed the climate of everyday life. For Dahl, the genocide in the former Yugoslavia and the bombing in Oklahoma City, each bear the traces of the new 'radical conservatism'. Even countries in the

"On the morning of November 22, 1963, President Kennedy told Jackie as they started for Dallas, "We're heading into nut country today." That day's events ultimately obscured and revealed just how right he was: Oswald was a lone gunman, but the city that surrounded him was full of people who hated Kennedy and everything he stood for, led by a powerful group of ultraconservatives who would eventually remake the Republican party in their own image. In Nut Country, Edward H. Miller tells the story of that transformation, showing how a group of influential far-right businessmen, religious leaders, and political operatives developed a potent mix of hardline anticommunism, biblical literalism, and racism to generate a violent populism--and widespread power. Though those figures were seen as extreme in Texas and elsewhere, mainstream Republicans nonetheless found themselves forced to make alliances, or tack to the right on topics like segregation. As racial resentment came to fuel the national Republican party's divisive but effective "Southern Strategy," the power of the extreme conservatives rooted in Texas only grew. Drawing direct lines from Dallas to DC, Miller's captivating history offers a fresh understanding of the rise of the new Republican Party and the apocalyptic language, conspiracy theories, and ideological rigidity that remain potent features of our politics today."--Jacket

Introduction : an urgent situation -- On the relevance and necessity of socialist feminism -- Fascism and right-wing populism : similarities, differences, and new organizational forms -- Who is the real working class? : moving beyond the construction of the white male industrial worker as a marker of authenticity -- Bernie breakdown : challenges facing the left in the wake of the Sanders' campaign -- Well, actually : cyber sexism and racism within online settings and the enabling discourse of E-libertarianism -- Abortion through the lens of fetal personhood : social meanings and functions -- In defense of science, the press and expertise for the public good -- Conclusion : enough is enough.

Although the Alternative for Germany (AfD) is one of the most discussed parties in Germany at the moment, neither journalists nor politicians are sure whether it should be classified as conservative, right-wing extremist or right-wing populist. The existing attempts at a scientific classification, all varying in approach and results, share a lack of methodological basis. Therefore, this paper classifies the AfD according to four different definitions by analyzing both primary and secondary sources in a qualitative way. While three of these approaches are rather common models of the right-wing spectrum, one is a new approach, covering only the (right-wing) populist spectrum. Therefore, the criteria of these four different attempts at structuring the right-wing party spectrum are operationalized and both party platforms and scientific papers on the AfD are dissected.