Suchergebnisse

Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction -- Abstract -- 1.1 Hard Core Cartel Against Competition Law -- 1.2 Spreading Competition Laws to the International Community -- 1.3 Hurdles to Leveling Cartel Regulations up to International Laws -- 1.4 Topic Question and Hypothesis of the Research -- 1.5 Structure of the Book -- 1.5.1 Structure of this Book -- References -- 2 Defining a Cartel and Analyzing Its Effects -- Abstract -- 2.1 A Cartel in Its Historical Context -- 2.2 Definition -- 2.3 Discussions: Advantage and Disadvantage of Cartels

The article examines four cases of the U.S. unilateral withdrawal from international arms control agreements in the first two decades of the 21st century from the legislative branch perspective. Each of the four precedents is analyzed through the resolutions, which were submitted by legislators, in order to determine the difference in the approaches of Democrats and Republicans to arms control issues. Also, the paper discusses the constitutionality of presidential action and the exercise of congressional constitutional authority in the circumstances of the U.S. withdrawals from international agreements.

People have the right to expect their food to be safe, of good quality, and suitable for consumption, and national governments must ensure that food imported from other countries is safe. But laws and regulations to minimize threats can create barriers to international food trade. The Codex Alimentarius aims to facilitate international trade by promoting definitions and requirements for foods. This 3-page fact sheet was written by F.M. Fishel, and published by the UF Department of Agronomy, August 2011. (image fromusda.gov)

How do rising powers execute normative resistance to shape international order? Contrary to the existing literature, I argue that rising powers are productive agents of normative change and international order-making, through the use of rhetorical adaptation to contest pre-existing orders. Rhetorical adaptation is a strategy and set of tactics that simultaneously modifies norm content, while reducing critiques of obstructionism. To make this argument, this article traces China's efforts as a 'norm shaper' regarding the responsibility to protect through the inception, institutionalization and implementation of the norm in the landmark 2011 Libya intervention. China layers traditional sovereignty norms under the responsibility to protect, focusing and narrowing the emerging norm by fortifying the primacy of the state. While I show how China resists co-option into an evolving ontological order that challenges traditional sovereignty, the article also addresses the unforeseen consequences of China's normative efforts that 'backfired' to permit the use of the responsibility to protect to justify Libyan regime change. More broadly, this article speaks to rising powers as agents crafting international order, and the process of normative resistance that occurs throughout the norm life cycle. I draw from publicly available documents and semi-structured interviews with Chinese foreign policy and United Nations elites.

From Baghdad's 'Emerald City' to Kabul's 'Kabubble', international green zones have been characterized as 'bunkerized' and temporary. Despite efforts to make these spaces appear sealed, they are more porous than we assume. Drawing on fieldwork in Mogadishu and research with private security contractors, this article reconceptualizes international enclaves in terms of their inherent plasticity, moulded by the mobilities, intentions and bureaucracies of those within. The article illustrates the heterogenous sociospatial relations within Mogadishu's green zone, arguing that it is sustained through internal frictions and transgressive spatial practices that are not captured by the bunkerization motif. The limits of bunkerization are revealed most starkly through the work of security contractors who enjoy greater mobility and access to information than many of the green zone's transient international workers. They assume the gatekeeper role, sustaining conditions of manageable insecurity by ordering the messy sociopolitical space of the city into bounded zones. Beyond the façade of the enclave, however, their mobility is reliant on 'local' Somali partners navigating the complexities of Mogadishu on their behalf. As an interface between the secure inside and the dangerous outside, some contractors have emerged as opportunistic power-brokers connecting Somali entrepreneurs on the outside to the resources within.

Silences are not only absences in the spoken discourse or gaps in the discursive texture of international politics. They are important nodes of this texture and, as such, they constitute the political too. The said and the unsaid may work together to reify knowledge and shape international politics. Starting from this idea, this article scrutinizes global counter-terrorism as a discursive formation, composed of a spoken and an unspoken sphere. Within the silent dimension, the work focuses specifically on the silences in far-right terrorism and extremism. Scrutinizing global counter-terrorism as a racialized formation, the article argues that these silences are produced and reproduced by whiteness. Within the international community's debates, whiteness gives rise to two kinds of silence – silence as the unspoken and the spoken as silencing. Examining them through the prism of whiteness, the article shows that these silences allow the maintenance of white privilege. This is the privilege of not being identified as a terrorist Other and not becoming the object of counter-terrorism measures, while having this privilege silenced and hidden. This work thus shows that, as gears of discursive formations, silences are racialized and may have colors – in this case, the color of white privilege.

Previous research has credited China's top leaders, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, with the social policies of their decade in power, arguing that they promoted these policies either for factional reasons or to achieve rational, problem-solving goals. But such arguments ignore the dominant "fragmented authoritarian" model of policymaking in China that centres on bargaining among bureaucratic agencies. This article asks whether top leadership factions, rational problem solving, or "fragmented authoritarianism" can explain the adoption of one of the Hu and Wen administration's flagship policies, New Rural Cooperative Medical Schemes. Based on a careful tracing of this policy's evolution, it finds little evidence for these explanations, and instead uncovers the role played by international events and organizations, and ideas they introduced or sustained within policy networks. The article highlights some of the effects that China's international engagement has had on policymaking and the need to go beyond explanations of the policy process that focus solely on domestic actors. It proposes a new model of policymaking, "network authoritarianism," that centres on policy networks spanning the domestic–international, state–non-state, and central–local divides, and which takes account of the influence of ideas circulating within these networks. (China Q/GIGA)

AbstractPrevious research has credited China's top leaders, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, with the social policies of their decade in power, arguing that they promoted these policies either for factional reasons or to achieve rational, problem-solving goals. But such arguments ignore the dominant "fragmented authoritarian" model of policymaking in China that centres on bargaining among bureaucratic agencies. This article asks whether top leadership factions, rational problem solving, or "fragmented authoritarianism" can explain the adoption of one of the Hu and Wen administration's flagship policies, New Rural Cooperative Medical Schemes. Based on a careful tracing of this policy's evolution, it finds little evidence for these explanations, and instead uncovers the role played by international events and organizations, and ideas they introduced or sustained within policy networks. The article highlights some of the effects that China's international engagement has had on policymaking and the need to go beyond explanations of the policy process that focus solely on domestic actors. It proposes a new model of policymaking, "network authoritarianism," that centres on policy networks spanning the domestic–international, state–non-state, and central–local divides, and which takes account of the influence of ideas circulating within these networks.

Research to date concurs in maintaining that performance of nationally homogeneous workgroups differs if compared to heterogeneous ones. Yet, results are mixed on the relationship between cultural diversity and workgroup outcomes. The article argues that cultural differences are given explanatory authority, cultural diversity acquiring a positivist status, and group members being treated as 'dopes of their culture'. An alternative approach is to conceive 'cultural diversity' and 'national culture' as discursive resources used by group members in everyday group life. The author followed an international project group for over 17 months,observing how group members discussed and made sense of what went on. Findings suggest that the way members in international project groups use the 'national/cultural' discourse plays a crucial role in the organization of the project. More specifically, results demonstrate that group members shaped and developed their international project in important ways by using the discourses on 'national culture' and 'cultural diversity' to excuse confusion and misunderstanding, to position themselves vis-à-vis the group, to justify decisions and to give the group a raison d'être. Implications are drawn concerning the need for researchers to acknowledge actors' space for choice in group-life.

International organizations are ubiquitous in contemporary Europe and the wider world. This special issue takes a historical approach to exploring their relations with each other in Western Europe between 1967 and 1992. The authors seek to provincialize' and de-centre' the European Union's role, exploring the interactions of its predecessors with other organizations like NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe. This article develops the new historical-research agenda of co-operation and competition among IOs and their role in European co-operation. The first section discusses the limited existing work on such questions among historians and in adjacent disciplines. The second section introduces the five articles and their main arguments. The third section goes on to elaborate common findings, especially regarding what the authors call the vectors for the development of policy ideas and practices and their transfer across different institutional platforms.

Focuses on the position of international law in the Turkish legal system.