BACKGROUND: Japan faces the most elderly society in the world, and the Japanese government has launched an unprecedented health plan to reinforce home care medicine and increase the number of home care physicians, which means that an understanding of future needs for geriatric home care is vital. However, little is known about the future need for home care physicians. We attempted to estimate the basic need for home care physicians from 2020 to 2060. METHODS: Our estimation is based on modification of major health work force analysis methods using previously reported official data. Two models were developed to estimate the necessary number of full-time equivalent (FTE) home care physicians: one based on home care patient mortality, the other using physician-to-patient ratio, working with estimated numbers of home and nursing home deaths from 2020 to 2060. Moreover, the final process considered and adjusted for future changes in the proportion of patients dying at home. Lastly, we converted estimated FTE physicians to an estimated head count. RESULTS: Results were concordant between our two models. In every instance, there was overlap of high- and low-estimations between the mortality method and the physician-to-patient method, and the estimates show highly similar patterns. Furthermore, our estimation is supported by the current number of physicians, which was calculated using a different method. Approximately 1.7 times (1.6 by head count) the current number of FTE home care physicians will be needed in Japan in the late 2030's, peaking at 33,500 FTE (71,500 head count). However, the need for home care physicians is anticipated to begin decreasing by 2040. CONCLUSION: The results indicate that the importance of home care physicians will rise with the growing elderly population, and that improvements in home care could partially suppress future need for physicians. After the late 2030's, the supply can be reduced gradually, accounting for the decreasing total number of deaths after 2040. In order to provide ...
After the electoral reform in 1994, Japan saw a gradual evolution from a multi-party system toward a two-party system over the course of five House of Representatives election cycles. In contrast, after Taiwan's constitutional amendment in 2005, a two-party system emerged in the first post-reform legislative election in 2008. Critically, however, Taiwan's president is directly elected while Japan's prime minister is indirectly elected. The contributors conclude that the higher the payoffs of holding the executive office and the greater degree of cross-district coordination required to win it, the stronger the incentives for elites to form and stay in the major parties. In such a context, a country will move rapidly toward a two-party system. In Part II, the contributors apply this theoretical logic to other countries with mixed-member systems to demonstrate its generality. They find the effect of executive competition on legislative electoral rules in countries as disparate as Thailand, the Philippines, New Zealand, Bolivia, and Russia. The findings presented in this book have important implications for political reform. Often, reformers are motivated by high hopes of solving some political problems and enhancing the quality of democracy. But, as this group of scholars demonstrates, electoral reform alone is not a panacea. Whether and to what extent it achieves the advocated goals depends not only on the specification of new electoral rules per se but also on the political context—and especially the constitutional framework—within which such rules are embedded. ; Over the past few decades, political reformers have embraced mixed-member electoral systems as the "best of both worlds." Whereas single-member district (SMD) systems offer accountability between representatives and voters, proportional representation (PR) systems in which the composition of the legislature reflects the relative proportion of the votes received by the various political parties offer equity. In a mixed-member electoral system, accountability and equity come together because a certain number of legislators are elected in SMDs under plurality rule and the remainder are elected in multi-member districts under some version of PR. Currently, 32 countries as dissimilar as Mexico, Ukraine, South Korea, Jordan, Hungary, Mongolia, and Germany use some variation of a mixed-member electoral system. In this volume, a group of internationally-recognized political scientists evaluate the ways in which the introduction of a mixed-member electoral system affects the configuration of political parties. The contributors examine several political phenomena, including cabinet post allocation, nominations, pre-electoral coalitions, split-ticket voting, and the size of party systems and faction systems. Significantly, they also consider various ways in which the constitutional system—especially whether the head of government is elected directly or indirectly—can modify the incentives created by the electoral system. Part I of the book provides an in-depth comparison of Taiwan and Japan, both of which moved from single non-transferable vote systems to mixed-member majoritarian systems. ; A group of internationally-recognized political scientists evaluate the ways in which the introduction of a mixed-member electoral system affects the configuration of political parties. Significantly, they also consider various ways in which the constitutional system can modify the incentives created by the electoral system. ; Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ; After the electoral reform in 1994, Japan saw a gradual evolution from a multi-party system toward a two-party system over the course of five House of Representatives election cycles. In contrast, after Taiwan's constitutional amendment in 2005, a two-party system emerged in the first post-reform legislative election in 2008. Critically, however, Taiwan's president is directly elected while Japan's prime minister is indirectly elected. The contributors conclude that the higher the payoffs of holding the executive office and the greater degree of cross-district coordination required to win it, the stronger the incentives for elites to form and stay in the major parties. In such a context, a country will move rapidly toward a two-party system. In Part II, the contributors apply this theoretical logic to other countries with mixed-member systems to demonstrate its generality. They find the effect of executive competition on legislative electoral rules in countries as disparate as Thailand, the Philippines, New Zealand, Bolivia, and Russia. The findings presented in this book have important implications for political reform. Often, reformers are motivated by high hopes of solving some political problems and enhancing the quality of democracy. But, as this group of scholars demonstrates, electoral reform alone is not a panacea. Whether and to what extent it achieves the advocated goals depends not only on the specification of new electoral rules per se but also on the political context—and especially the constitutional framework—within which such rules are embedded. ; Over the past few decades, political reformers have embraced mixed-member electoral systems as the "best of both worlds." Whereas single-member district (SMD) systems offer accountability between representatives and voters, proportional representation (PR) systems in which the composition of the legislature reflects the relative proportion of the votes received by the various political parties offer equity. In a mixed-member electoral system, accountability and equity come together because a certain number of legislators are elected in SMDs under plurality rule and the remainder are elected in multi-member districts under some version of PR. Currently, 32 countries as dissimilar as Mexico, Ukraine, South Korea, Jordan, Hungary, Mongolia, and Germany use some variation of a mixed-member electoral system. In this volume, a group of internationally-recognized political scientists evaluate the ways in which the introduction of a mixed-member electoral system affects the configuration of political parties. The contributors examine several political phenomena, including cabinet post allocation, nominations, pre-electoral coalitions, split-ticket voting, and the size of party systems and faction systems. Significantly, they also consider various ways in which the constitutional system—especially whether the head of government is elected directly or indirectly—can modify the incentives created by the electoral system. Part I of the book provides an in-depth comparison of Taiwan and Japan, both of which moved from single non-transferable vote systems to mixed-member majoritarian systems. ; A group of internationally-recognized political scientists evaluate the ways in which the introduction of a mixed-member electoral system affects the configuration of political parties. Significantly, they also consider various ways in which the constitutional system can modify the incentives created by the electoral system. ; Mode of access: Internet.
After World War II, the United States occupied Japan under Douglas MacArthur, who oversaw its demilitarization and democratization from 1945-1952 (MacArthur removed in April of 1951). While under American guidance, Japan revised its constitution, revoked war, and made the emperor a symbol of the state with no political power. On July 8, 1950, shortly after the beginning of the Korean War, MacArthur mandated that Japan form a National Police Reserve [NPR]. This study considers scholarly debates surrounding the formation of the NPR. Additionally, it explores reasons for America's breakaway from early occupation policy during the Korean War. It argues that the American occupation never abandoned democracy as a key emphasis, but used it as a guise to extend American imperial rule. Furthermore, it maintains that the NPR was a military force, even while some recent scholarship contests this idea.
This paper is an attempt to explore the ways in which the salaried middle class (SMC) in Sweden and in Japan, benefit from and influence social welfare policies. It is argued that in both countries members of the SMC benefit as consumers and producers of education, medical care and social security service; and that they advance their interests through corporatist institutions. Sweden's SMC would seem to be larger, more cohesive and more powerful than that of Japan. The author concludes that where a working class is weak and divided, as in Japan, the SMC is largely a creature of capital; but that where a working class is strong and well-organised, as in Sweden, the SMC grows in response to the needs and demands of both labour and capital, and thereby achieves greater influence, autonomy and power.
Japan, Russia, and Turkey are major examples of countries with different ethnic, religious, and cultural background that embarked on the path of modernization without having been colonized by a Western country. In all three cases, national consciousness has played a significant role in this context. The project of Modernity is obviously of European origin, but is it essentially European? Does modernization imply loss of a country's cultural or national identity? If so, what is the "fate" of the modernization process in these cases? The presence of the idea and reality of civil society can be considered a real marker of Modernity in this respect, because it presupposes the development of liberalism, individualism and human rights. But are these compatible with nationalism and with the idea of a national religion? These questions are the more pressing, as Japan is considered part of the Western world in many respects, and Russia and Turkey are defining their relation to the European Union in different ways. An investigation of these three countries, set off against more general reflections, sheds light on the possibilities or limitations of modernization n a non-European context
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Die Kriege Japans gegen China, des Osmanischen Reichs gegen Griechenland und der USA gegen Spanien konfrontierten die Großmächte in den 1890er-Jahren mit sich verändernden imperialen Ordnungen. Als Augenzeugen, Mittler und Experten rückten Kriegsbeobachterinnen und -beobachter in Schlüsselrollen bei der Bewertung und Verortung der Ereignisse und der Verteidigung europäischer Führungsansprüche.Das Werk behandelt die europäische Kriegsbeobachtung, -bewertung und -einordnung von in der Forschung bisher wenig beachteten japanischen, osmanischen und amerikanischen Feldzügen während der 1890er-Jahre. Der chinesisch-japanische Krieg 1894/95, der griechisch-türkische Krieg 1897 und der spanisch-amerikanische Krieg 1898 fielen in eine Zeit des Friedens in Europa und lösten dort reges Interesse aus. Krieg galt als historische Notwendigkeit und ordnungsstiftende Kraft. Für Kriegsbeobachterinnen und Kriegsbeobachter, so die Ausgangshypothese, waren die drei Feldzüge indes Chancen und Herausforderungen zugleich: Einerseits boten sie den meist männlichen Kriegsberichterstattern, Militärs und Diplomaten, aber auch Medizinern und Krankenschwestern, seltene Einblicke in See- und Landschlachten zwischen regulären Streitkräften mit modernen Waffen. Andererseits verlangten sie von ihnen, die 'fremden' Kriegserfolge mit eigenen Weltordnungsvorstellungen in Einklang zu bringen. Die Arbeit zeigt die europäischen Akteure in einer für die Hochzeit der imperialen Expansion ungewohnten, aber geteilten Rolle: als Beobachtende in Kriegen ohne Beteiligung der Großmächte
Intro -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- A Note on Names, Terminology, and Translations -- Introduction -- 1. National Language Ideology in the Age of Empire -- 2. "Let Me In!": Imperialization in Metropolitan Japan -- 3. Envisioning a Literature of the Imperial Nation -- 4. Coming to Terms with the Terms of the Past -- 5. Colonial Legacies and the Divided "I" in Occupation-Period Japan -- 6. Collaboration, Wartime Responsibility, and Colonial Memory -- Epilogue -- Appendix: Korean Authors and Literary Critics -- Notes -- Selected Bibliography -- Index
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Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Kojima, A.: Japanese media's attitudes towards Pacific Asia/East Asia. - S.13-25. Funabashi, Y.: Japanese bureaucracy's attitudes towards East Asia. - S.27-33. Meyer, C.: Japanese political community's attitudes towards East Asia. - S.35-42. Bey, A.: Japanese people's attitudes towards East Asia. - S.55-64. Tanahashi, T. K.: Modalities for East Asian cooperation and Japan's initiatives. - S.65-90. Sopiee, N.: Inter-governmental cooperation in East Asia. - S.91-97
