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In this article, we contend that the current gender and conflict literature ignores the context of military decisions and thus underestimates the support of women for certain types of military interventions. We argue that the issues related to humanitarian crises are likely to provoke support from women. Consequently, as more women enter elected positions in state legislatures, the more likely a state will become involved in a humanitarian military intervention. To test our argument, we compile a data set of humanitarian military interventions and women legislators from 1946 to 2003. A series of estimation approaches and robustness tests support our assertion that more women legislators impact the likelihood that a state will become involved in a humanitarian military intervention. Our research has specific implications on the role of gender in conflict processes and more general implications on the connection between domestic political processes and foreign policy decision making.

© The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. Under Directive 86/653/EEC on the co-ordination of the laws of European Union Member States relating to self-employed commercial agents, commercial agents have an obligation to act 'dutifully and in good faith' (the Obligation). This article considers the impact that this general good faith clause has had upon the UK legal order. It first analyses the Obligation, assessing its scope, function and content. It then reviews the choices made by the UK legislature in implementing this duty and scrutinises the manner in which it has been construed and applied by UK courts, as well as commentators. Finally, it charts the areas of the pre-existing common law agency rules that are affected by this imported notion and appraises the resulting alterations to the positive law.

Abstract: This paper discusses about law of waqf implementation in Indonesia. Regulations endow-ments have been proposed by the Government and approved by the legislature to form Undang-UndangNomor 41 Tahun 2004 about Waqf, which is complemented by the executive to establish and enforcePeraturan Pemerintah Nomor 42 Tahun 2006 about the implementation of Undang-Undang Nomor41 Tahun 2004. Implementation of the law has been prepared by forming Indonesian Waqf Board(BWI), and the Deed of Pledge Officer waqf (PPAIW) located in the Office of Religious Affairs, andIndonesian Ulema Council (MUI). In terms of cash waqf, also formed Islamic Financial InstitutionsRecipients Endowments money (LKS-PWU) to facilitate development cash waqf. For law enforcement,waqf was created as one of the absolute competence religious courts based on the examination andsettlement of formal law. From this effort, waqf management was expected to run well in accordancewith the laws in the set.

The French legislature has mandated in 2008 that the board chairperson reports on governance, internal controls, and risk management approach with the objective to enhance corporate disclosures to investors. This study examines the content of board chair reports to assess their relevance and compliance with mandated disclosure requirements. Based on a sample of 109 french publicly listed comapnies in 2009, Our results show that, with the exception of banks subject to a more stringent regulatory standard, the mandatory nature of the legislation did not translate in extended disclosures about internal controls and risk management practices. We further observe significant variations among the different indices of disclosure particularly with regards internal accounting and financial control. The multivaraite results validate the influence of the chosen internal control framework as well as firm characteristics on the content of the information disclosed about governance, internal control, and risk management practices.

During the winter break of my second year in law school, I drove from my childhood home in Fort Worth, Texas to New Orleans, Louisiana to watch oral arguments at the Fifth Circuit in the case Planned Parenthood v. Abbott. 1 That case was the first legal challenge to the constitutionality of Texas House Bill 2 ("H.B. 2"),2 the omnibus anti-abortion bill enacted by the Texas legislature in 2013. In total, I drove 541 miles door-to-door, spending about eight hours on the road each way. That distance is slightly less than what a woman living in El Paso would have to travel to get an abortion in Texas if H.B. 2 had been fully implemented. Because of the Supreme Court's decision in Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt, 3 the second attempt to strike down the law, that potential outcome will hopefully remain a hypothetical.

Models of single district plurality elections show that with three parties anything can happen – extreme policies can win regardless of voter preferences. I show that when single district elections are used to fill a legislature, we get back to a world where the median voter matters. An extreme policy will generally only come about if it is preferred to a more moderate policy by the median voter in a majority of districts. The mere existence of a centrist party can lead to moderate outcomes even if the party itself wins few seats. I also show that, while some voters in a district will not vote for their nationally preferred party, in many equilibria they will want the candidate for whom they vote to win that district. This is never the case in single district elections. There, some voters always want the candidate they voted for to lose.

Статья посвящена анализу правового статуса институтов гражданского общества, обладающих контрольными полномочиями по отношению к органам государственной власти. Проанализировав законодательство, закрепляющее основы общественного контроля, и практику деятельности соответствующих институтов гражданского общества, авторы раскрывают основные проблемы деятельности субъектов общественного контроля и выдвигают предложения по их решению, поскольку это необходимо для повышения эффективности осуществления общественного контроля в Российской Федерации ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the legal status of institutions of the civil society owing the control authorities concerning to the organs of state power. We have analyzed the legislature, which is fixing the bases of public control and practice of activity of corresponding institutions of civil society; the authors show the main problems of activity of subjects of public control and give proposals on their solving because it is necessary to increase the effectiveness of execution of public control in the Russian Federation

Parliamentarians find themselves engaged in political struggle through the medium of language and constrained by their own rhetoric. These parliamentary debates reveal political perceptions. The external perceptions about the European Union emerge as a relatively understudied topic in political science. This brings forth the following question; how is the European Union and its foreign policy perceived externally? This paper focuses on one particular country, Turkey and the political deliberations within the Turkish Parliament, in order to assess the external perceptions of the EU. The paper analyzes the political debate in Turkey through an investigation of the proceedings of the Turkish Parliament, the legislature in Turkish politics, from 1998 to 2012. The proceedings in the Turkish Parliament enable us to analyze the different political camps' positions by looking into their deliberations on the European foreign policy thoroughly. This analysis enables us to uncover the Turkish view on the European foreign policy.

Moises Ostrogorski once denounced political parties for burying diverse concerns of pluralistic societies under monolithic electoral options. E.E. Schattschneider celebrated them for the same reason: organizing choice and 'responsible party government' amid pluralistic complexity. Comparativists have found both dynamics in European legislatures: most European parties exhibit the high average levels of voting unity that Schattschneider's theory implies, but also display rather Ostrogorskian cycles of discipline, stifling dissent on divisive issues at election time. We use comparativists' tools to explore the dynamics and normative quality of party unity in the different terrain of the US Congress. We find similar cycles of unity in roll-call voting, but in the American context – with more loosely organized parties, especially historically but still today – Ostrogorskian stifling of dissent operates against a less Schattschneiderian background. In comparative perspective, Congressional parties muffle divisive issues more effectively than they deliver governance, with tenuous implications for representation.

AbstractThe question of how the American political process shapes inequality remains unsettled. While recent studies break ground by linking inequality to political institutions, much of this work focuses on national-level income inequality. The literature is lacking in its examination of inequality in other issue areas at the subnational level. This research explores how partisanship in government affects subnational-level inequality in health care coverage in the context of racial diversity. Using a new Gini-coefficient measure of inequality in health insurance coverage, we find a negative relationship between the seat share of Democratic representatives and inequality in health care coverage but only in states with racially diverse populations. Moreover, Democratic-controlled state legislatures mitigate the negative impact of racial diversity on inequality in health care coverage. These results highlight the importance of examining the partisan foundation of health care inequality in the context of racial diversity.

Do autocratic institutions matter for the welfare of average citizens? Despite the large literature comparing democracies and autocracies, we know little about how human development outcomes differ among autocratic types. Contrary to conventional wisdom, this article argues that contested autocratic elections promote human development by improving state accountability and capacity. Using an instrumental variables setup, I show that the presence and history of multiparty autocratic elections predict significantly better outcomes on health, education, gender equality, and basic freedoms relative to non-electoral autocracy. In fact, the effects on health and education are as strong as the effects of democracy. In contrast, legislatures and parties without multiparty elections produce slightly negative outcomes because these institutions chiefly concern elite cooptation. The results have major implications for the study of autocracy, the political economy of development, and the welfare effects of international election promotion.

Parties in list systems must select candidates to best accomplish their electoral, organizational, and policy goals. In particular, parties must balance nominees' policy-making potential against other aspects of candidate quality, such as electoral viability. We exploit the unique variation in candidates and parties in European elections to study this trade-off. We develop a statistical ranking model to examine how parties facing varying strategic contexts construct electoral lists and apply it to a novel data set chronicling the political backgrounds of candidates in the 2009 European parliamentary elections. Parties that place high salience on the target legislature, are well positioned to influence policy once in office, and have less access to competing policy-making venues place particular emphasis on institution-specific policy-making experience relative to other types of candidate experience. This systematic variation in parties' candidate nomination strategies may fundamentally alter legislative output and partisan policy influence.

We propose a typology for measuring agenda‐setting success and failure in a legislative context. Our typology goes beyond the most commonly used measure ("rolls") and includes the full range of agenda‐setting outcomes—rolls (opposing a proposal that subsequently passes), as well as "blocks" (opposing a proposal that is subsequently defeated), "successes" (supporting a proposal that subsequently passes), and "disappointments" (supporting a proposal that is subsequently defeated)—and thus takes into account instances of both positive and negative agenda power. We discuss these measures, and the theoretical questions surrounding them, with the hope of providing some guidance to scholars of the U.S. House, as well as those analyzing agenda power in other legislatures. As a first step in this direction, we explore variation in agenda‐setting measures in 85 American state legislative chambers, the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, and the Canadian House of Commons.

We argue that the welfare state operates very differently in the advanced sectors of modern economies and in the low-skill sectors. Governments are concerned to promote the advanced sectors of their economies in which they have comparative advantage. This is a valence issue not a partisan one. Where companies and employees in advanced sectors co-invest heavily in company-specific skills, then governments will be concerned to maintain insurance infrastructures to underwrite these investments. Hence, in advanced sectors, we see politics for markets in maintaining insurance-based welfare states. In low-skill sectors, redistribution and active labour market policies are partisan issues for legislatures, so here our analysis is in line with Politics against Markets. Effective welfare state policies depend on political coalitions in which the low-skilled are represented. We suggest that those coalitions may be less available just as low-skilled workers are increasingly excluded from post-Fordist collective bargaining coverage.

The paper work focuses to analyze the regulated rate of media during the media transition period, into a specified context of public relations, as well as ethical and professional impact of this norm that has to do with the freedom to speak, to distribute and get information. The approach will focus on public media report, the audience, ethical obligation and legal rights in the society of Kosovo after 1999. The regulatory rate is being analyzed divided into two periods: the first, period after the war, from 1999 to 2006, when the Kosovo society was administered by UNMIK (the Constitutional Framework, media regulations and administrative decisions) and the second period before and after the recognition of the state of Kosovo by the international community, from 2006 to 2014, when the rate is approved by the legislature of the Republic of Kosovo.