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Italy's transformation in little more than a century from a backward, agricultural periphery to one of the world's leading countries is one of economic history's success stories. Especially successful were the "economic miracle" years of 1950–1963, during which Italy maintained rates of growth second only to those of Japan and Germany and largely completed the structural transition to a modern, industrial economy. Rolf Petri argues that this success was built on a foundation laid in the 1930s and '40s by the fascist policy of autarchia. Autarchy policy identified and gave a decisive push to precisely those industries that proved most dynamic in the economic miracle. Employing a wide range of tools, from macroeconomic policy, through administrative control of foreign trade and the allocation of credit, to direct participation in the form of state-owned enterprises, the fascist regime created and nurtured firms, supported research and development activities, and encouraged investment in new physical plant and licensing of foreign technology. While the author eschews any statements about whether autarchia was necessary, good, or efficient and does not hide its shortcomings and failures, the flavor of this account is nonetheless positive. This contrasts with most other assessments, which have deemed autarchy policy contradictory and ad hoc, the cause of enormous waste and gross misallocation of resources.

Die Familienpolitik wird weithin als ein Teilbereich der Sozialpolitik verstanden, in dem es darum geht, die Familie durch eine Verbesserung ihrer Lebensbedingungen zu schützen und zu fördern. Nach neuerem ökonomischem Verständnis und entsprechend der Rechtsprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts dagegen wird die Notwendigkeit einer Familienpolitik aus den positiven externen Effekten abgeleitet, die mit der Erfüllung der Aufgaben der Familie verbunden und für die Entwicklung der Gesellschaft unverzichtbar sind. Der Verfasser stellt die Aufgaben der Familie und die dadurch bewirkten externen Effekte systematisch dar, leitet den Wert des Beitrags der Familien zur Humanvermögensbildung ab und erläutert die Bedeutung der Familien und der Familienpolitik vor dem Hintergrund der Schrumpfung und Alterung der Bevölkerung, der Ziele wirtschaftliches Wachstum und Mehrung des Wohlstands sowie der Anpassungsbedürfnisse, die sich aus der Globalisierung ergeben. ; Family policy usually is regarded as a section of social policy, aiming at the protection and support of families by improving their living conditions. According to newly developed economic understanding and following the jurisdiction of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal Constitutional Court of the Federal Republic of Germany) the necessity of family policy is based on the positive externalities, emerging from the performance of family tasks. These externalities are a necessary presupposition for the development of societies and therefore should be appreciated and honored. The author describes the tasks of families and the externalities connected with their performance, estimates the contribution of family work to the building of human capital and illustrates the importance of family as well as of family policy especially in view of the decline and aging of population, economic growth, increasing welfare and the necessity of flexibility to meet the requirements of globalization.

The Netherlands and Norway are among the many countries that have faced serious challenges to the sustainability of their social security systems in recent years. In this article we examine the growth in benefit schemes related to illness and disability since they have been one source of particular concern in both countries. The Netherlands came to face more serious and persistent problems earlier than Norway in this policy area. Our analysis reveals significant differences with respect to the underlying assumptions in the social protection systems for the long-term sick and disabled as they were originally constructed in the 1960s. We identify a general emphasis on 'integration' in the Norwegian social policy discourse and legislation up until the late 1980s, whereas the Dutch legislation in the same period tended to focus on autonomy and individual 'choice'. In the article we compare the reforms introduced in both countries to control the growth in sickness and disability schemes, by means of a common analytical and conceptual framework. 'Incentives' have occupied an increasingly prominent position in the policy discourse in both countries. While the Norwegian development may largely be seen as a return to and revival of partly forgotten, partly eroded assumptions behind the original social protection scheme, the Dutch policy shift amounts to a more fundamental reconstruction of the whole social security system.

PRIME MINISTER, CABINET AND CORE EXECUTIVE R.A.W. Rhodes and Patrick DunleavyTHE BRITISH CIVIL SERVICE Robert PyperQUALITY IN PUBLIC SERVICES Lucy GasterQUALITY IMPROVEMENT IN EUROPEAN PUBLIC SERVICES: CONCEPTS, CASES AND COMMENTARY Christopher Pollitt and Geert Bouckaert (eds.)LEADERSHIP OF PUBLIC BUREAUCRACIES Larry D. TerryTHEORY AND METHODS OF POLITICAL SCIENCE David Marsh'and Gerry StokerJUDICIAL REVIEW: LAW AND PROCEDURE Richard GordonTHEORIES OF URBAN POLITICS D. Judge, G. Stoker and H. Wolman (eds.)UNDERSTANDING POLICY FIASCOS Mark Bovens and Paul'tHartBRITISH SOCIAL POLICY SINCE 1945 Howard GlennersterDISMANTLING THE WELFARE STATE? REAGAN, THATCHER, AND THE POLITICS OF RETRENCHMENT Paul PiersonTHE FOUNDATION OF MERIT: PUBLIC SERVICE IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY Patricia Wallace IngrahamTHE REGIONAL IMPERATIVE: REGIONAL PLANNING AND GOVERNANCE IN BRITAIN, EUROPE AND THE UNITED STATES Urlan A. WannopPERPETUATING THE PORK BARREL: POLICY SUBSYSTEMS AND AMERICAN DEMOCRACY Robert M. Stein and Kenneth N. BickersFROM ARM'S LENGTH TO HANDS‐ON: THE FORMATIVE YEARS OF ONTARIO'S PUBLIC SERVICE 1867–1940 J. E. HodgettsTHE ROAD TO BETTER PUBLIC SERVICES: PROGRESS AND CONSTRAINTS IN FIVE CANADIAN FEDERAL AGENCIES G. Bruce DoernLES RÉSEAUX DE POLITIQUE PUBLIQUE: DÉBAT AUTOUR DES POLICY NETWORKSPatrick Le Galès and Mark Thatcher (eds.)THE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF SPAIN Paul HeywoodADENAUER TO KOHL: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMAN CHANCELLORSHIP Stephen PadgettPOLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN LIBERAL DEMOCRACIES Robert Elgie

Retrenchment In Nigerian vehicle assembly plants in consequence of economic recession has provoked an active response from the workforce. At Steyr‐Nigeria in Bauchi, workers walked out in October 1985 in protest at the management's intransigence in negotiations with union officials. Bangura charts their initial success and provides a lucid account of the reasons for their ultimate failure. His analysis of the Steyr‐Nigeria dispute is explicitly situated within the broader context of policy and economic performance in the Nigerian economy as a whole. He considers the extent to which workers emerged as victims of policy essentially motivated by the interests of quick profits and production of luxury consumer goods for an emergent bourgeoisie. The irrationality of such policy as a means of enhancing Nigeria's development, or even of catering to a market which might reasonably be expected to emerge, is detailed by the author. Bangura focuses on a single case, but his concern is not with the factors making for immediate industrial victory. It is rather with a broader strategy extending beyond the preservation of workers' jobs in any given industrial unit to the interests of the class as a whole. What is called for, he argues, is a policy which matches needs of the entire population with available resources and which gives priority to a society's disadvantaged members.

ABSTRACTWhile all industrial nations have been plagued by the setback to economic growth since the mid‐1970s, a wide range of variation marks the economic performance, policy outputs and policy outcomes of Western nations. The basic question addressed in this paper is the extent to which economic, socioeconomic and political variables account for the differences in economic performance, unemployment, public debt and the growth of social security expenditure. In general, the forces which shape public policies in periods of economic crisis tend to be different in character from the major determinants of policy‐making in periods of prosperity. The analysis does not support the view that bourgeois and socialist governments produce clear‐cut policy differences. It suggests that the major determinants of policies are the power relations in extra‐parliamentary arenas, the level of national economic strength prior to the crisis, the extent to which 'solidaristic' values characterize the political culture, and the extent to which a correspondence exists between the power relationships in the political 'superstructure' and in the party system and industrial arenas. An expanding capitalist order is, in theory, not incompatible with low unemployment and a developed welfare state. However, the governments' room to manoeuvre is strongly restricted by political and technological developments. One of the major political restrictions is the 'paradoxical' outcome of elections.

This paper has two central objectives. Generally, its purpose is to trace the trajectory of the fiscal relationships that exist between Canada's two orders of government. In particular, the main focus is on the linkages financing post-secondary education. Towards that end, the paper is structured on a broad canvas in the following manner. First, the concept of federalism is examined, which establishes the theoretical context underpinning the intergovernmental relationships in Canada. Next, the different types of transfers between the federal and provincial government that finance post-secondary education are investigated arguing that the imprecision of these arrangements obscures lines of accountability for post-secondary education as outlined in the constitution. And third, the implications of these arrangements for the provision of educational services are traced in order to suggest that recent developments in the funding regimes are the product of changing federal policy preferences that favour economic efficiency over social cohesion. Overall then, this paper suggests that although post-secondary education is an area of provincial jurisdiction, the fiscal arrangements that finance this area of social policy have altered the nature of its delivery. As such, recent changes to the fundingregimes represent a shift in policy orientation from one previously based on a pan-Canadian universality to a policy more oriented towards individuals and their ability.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사회과학대학 정치외교학부(정치학전공),2019. 8. 권형기 . ; In an effort to illuminate the way institutional changes are led by ideas and discursive politics in an open economy, this thesis examines how Brexit was developed by the ideas and discourses of international and domestic politics. Brexit cannot be understood by the existing theoretical frameworks that overlook the interactions of political actors and noneconomic factors. First, neither the class interests of comparative historicists nor the institutional interests of neoinstitutionalists could explain the recent Brexit decision. Although historicists and institutionalists consider the interests of political actors as predetermined and fixed, the British actors had gradually adjusted their understanding, interests, and preferences on foreign policy without class restructuring or external shocks. Second, an economic analysis of Brexit does not correspond to the actual decision of the actors. The UK decided to leave the EU even though the expected impacts of Brexit were pessimistic to its national economy. In addition to deficiencies in the existing theoretical frameworks, an inconsistency of foreign policy in the UK has challenged many comparativists. The current thesis defines a pattern of the UK–EU relationship as a stop-go one. Although during the postwar era the UK increasingly promoted the general trend against European integration, its foreign policy alternated between reluctant participation and breakaway. The key argument of this thesis is that Brexit was catalyzed by a discursive politics of ideas, not by a cost-benefit analysis of the predetermined interests of actors. The thesis suggests the concept of the Brexit Idea to capture a few of the thoughts and discourses proliferated during Brexit. In the face of socioeconomic challenges after the 2000s, European countries shared a discourse on the inequalities between nation-states and domestic coalitions. Through this inequality discourse, shared understandings of neonationalism, Euroscepticism, and deglobalization were formulated and constituted the Brexit Idea, which was conducive to the UK leaving the EU. Moreover, the concept of the Brexit Idea is analyzed by looking at internal and external fragility. Although the Brexit Idea made a strong demand on initiating related discourses and actual behaviors, it did not provide a dominant framework with which to interpret the problematic situations and interests of actors and was open to the political competition of actors. Brexit was finally chosen because the proleave group was more efficient in diffusing its interpretive framework on the Brexit Idea. ; 본 논문은 세계화 이후 아이디어 및 담론 정치가 제도 변화를 이끄는 양상에 집중하여 브렉시트의 원인과 전개 과정을 탐구한다. 브렉시트를 설명하는 기존 연구들은 행위자 간 상호작용을 간과하며 경제적 요소에 천착한다는 한계를 가진다. 대표적으로 비교역사주의 및 신제도주의는 행위자 간 상호작용에 의한 이익 변화 가능성을 고려하지 않음으로써 브렉시트를 적절하게 설명하지 못한다. 비교역사주의와 신제도주의는 행위자들의 이익이 계급 및 제도에 의해 선험적으로 규정되어 있다고 가정하였으나 실제 영국 행위자들은 계급의 재구조화 및 외적 충격 없이 점진적으로 대외정책에 대한 이해, 이익, 선호를 변화하여 유럽연합 탈퇴를 결정하였다. 브렉시트에 대한 경제적 손익분석 또한 실제 행위자들의 결정을 설명하지 못하는 한계가 있다. 브렉시트로 인해 영국 국민경제에 부정적 영향이 발생할 것으로 예상되었음에도 불구하고 국민투표를 통하여 유럽연합 탈퇴가 결정되었기 때문이다. 이에 본 논문은 브렉시트를 이해하기 위하여 세 가지 질문을 제기한다. 첫째, 유럽에 대한 영국 대외정책의 독특성은 무엇인가? 둘째, 아이디어와 국내외 담론이 영국의 유럽연합 탈퇴를 이끌었는가? 셋째, 행위자의 담론 상호작용 과정에서 아이디어의 특징에 기초한 동원이 어떻게 발생하였는가? 이상의 질문에 답하기 위하여 "브렉시트 아이디어 (the Brexit Idea)"의 형성, 확산 및 특징에 집중한다. 먼저 유럽에 대한 영국의 대외정책 양상을 "스탑 고 패턴(a stop-go pattern)"으로 정의한다. 전후 영국은 전반적으로 유럽 통합에 반대하는 움직임을 형성하는 가운데 유럽통합에의 마지못한 참여와 이로부터의 이탈을 반복하였다. 본 논문은 선험적으로 규정된 행위자 이익이 아니라 아이디어 및 행위자 간 국내외 담론정치에 의하여 브렉시트가 결정되었다고 주장한다. 2000년대 이후 유럽 국가들은 일련의 사회경제적 도전과 이에 대한 개별적, 협력적 대응을 반복하는 과정에서 국가 간, 국내 연합 간 불평등 담론을 공유하였다. 특히 2009년 남유럽 재정위기와 2015년 이민위기 이후 유럽연합 내 회원국 간의 주권 불평등 및 국내 연합 간 경제적 불평등이 두드러졌다. 유럽정치에서의 불평등담론은 회원국들로 하여금 세계화 및 신자유주의라는 메가 트렌드에 반하여 네오내셔널리즘 (neonationalism), 유럽연합회의주의 (Euroscepticism), 탈세계화 (Deglobalization)라는 이해를 공유하도록 하였으며 이는 영국의 유럽연합 탈퇴를 이끌었다. 나아가 본 논문은 아이디어의 "내적, 외적 허약성(internal and external fragility)"의 관점에서 브렉시트 아이디어를 분석한다. 브렉시트 아이디어는 외적 견고성으로 인하여 관련 담화와 행위의 발생을 필수불가결하게 만드는 동시에 내적 허약성으로 인하여 지배적인 이해의 틀을 제공하지는 못한다. 이로 인해 문제 상황과 행위자 이익의 이해가 개별 행위자 및 행위자 집단 간 국내 정치적 경쟁에 의하여 발생하였다. 그러므로 본 논문은 브렉시트 찬성 연합이 브렉시트 아이디어의 이해 틀을 확산하는 데 효과적이었기 때문에 브렉시트가 최종적으로 결정되었다고 보았다. ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 Chapter 2. Debates on Insitutional Changes 13 2.1 Comparative Historicism 17 2.2 Neoinstitutionalism 21 2.3 International Political Theory 29 2.4 Research Hypothesis and Theoretical Framework 33 2.4.1 Research Hypothesis 33 2.4.2 A Theory of Endogenous Institutional Change and Ideational Approach 35 2.4.3 Formulation and Mobilization of Ideas 40 2.4.4 Institutionalization of Ideas by Solidity and Fragility 45 Chapter 3. History of the UK–EU Relationship: Patterns of Stop-Go 50 3.1 Beginning of the Long-term Hostility 52 3.1.1 Reluctantly Joining the EC (1957–1973) 52 3.1.2 After Entering the EC (1973–1980) 57 3.2 Deepening Euroscepticism 61 3.2.1 Compelling Hostility During the Thatcher Government (1979–1990) 61 3.2.2 Neither Yes nor No: Maastricht Treaty and EMU (1992–2007) 64 3.3 Referendum and Brexit in 2016 68 Chapter 4. Formation of the Brexit Idea 71 4.1 Recurring Socioeconomic Challenges and Responses 74 4.1.1 Economic Challenge: European Debt Crisis since 2009 74 4.1.2 Social Challenge: European Migrant Crisis in 2015 79 4.1.3 Development of Inequality Discourses 84 4.2 What is the Brexit Idea? 90 4.2.1 Constructing the Brexit Idea at three levels 92 4.2.2 Characters of the Brexit Idea: Its Solidity and Fragility 98 Chapter 5. Mobilization of the Brexit Idea 104 5.1 Britain Stronger in Europe vs. Vote Leave 105 5.2 Ideas and Institutional Changes 110 Chapter 6. Conclusion 113 Bibliography 116 Abstract in Korean 124 ; Master

Since the beginning of the crises in 2008 the number of Europeans at risk of poverty or social exclusion has significantly increased by 6.7 million, now affecting 24.8% of the European population. However, the crisis has not had a homogenous impact across the European Union with high poverty rates especially in most of the central, eastern and south-eastern European Member States. This Policy Issue focuses on poverty and deprivation in the new central and south-eastern European Member States (NMS 10). It highlights the current state of play and recent trends in the extent of poverty and its links to inequality. A combination of social and labour market inclusion policies, including adequate livelihoods, implementing effective activation policies and providing access to adequate services, is the key to contain and reverse recent increases in poverty and social exclusion.

Book reviewed in this article:FEDERALISM & RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT: The Australian Case. Peter Drysdale and Hirofumi Shibata (Eds.).SERPENT'S TOOTH: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NOVEL. By Roger Milliss.POOR NATION OF THE PACIFIC‐AUSTRALIA'S FUTURE? Papers read at the 50th National Conference of the Australian Institute of Political Science. Edited by Jocelynne A. ScuttCLASS CONSCIOUSNESS IN AUSTRALIA. By Chris Chamberlain.BRITAIN, THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES, AND THE SUDAN CAMPAIGNS OF 1884–85. By Malcolm Saunders.POZIÈRES 1916—AUSTRALIANS ON THE SOMME. By Peter Charlton.THE WHITLAM GOVERNMENT 1972–1975. By Gough Whitlam.FREDERIC EGGLESTON: AN INTELLECTUAL IN AUSTRALIAN POLITICS. By Warren Osmond.THE WORKING CLASS AND WELFARE. Reflections on the Political Development of the Welfare State in Australia and New Zealand, 1890–1980. By Francis G. Castles.CONFESSIONS OF A NEW BOY. By Donald Horne.THE ANZAC CONNECTION. Edited by Desmond Ball.PRISONERS OF WAR: AUSTRALIANS UNDER NIPPON. By Hank Nelson.THE BJELKE‐PETERSEN PREMIERSHIP 1968–1983: ISSUES IN PUBLIC POLICY. Edited by Allan Patience.ARGUING THE ARTS: The Funding of the Arts in Australia. By Tim Rowse.BRITAIN, AMERICA AND THE SINEWS OF WAR, 1914–1918. By Kathleen Burk.THE PACIFIC WAR. By John Costello.YOUTH IN CHINA. By Beverley Hooper.CHINA AT THE CENTER, 300 YEARS OF FOREIGN POLICY. By Mark Mancall.POPULIST NATIONALISM IN PREWAR JAPAN: A Biography of Nakano Seigō. By Leslie Russell Oates.VIETNAM, A REPORTER'S WAR. By Hugh LunnNATION‐BUILDING IN MALAYSIA, 1964–1974. By James P. OngkiliTHE MURDEROUS REVOLUTION: LIFE & DEATH IN POL POT'S KAMPUCHEA. By Martin Stuart‐Fox and Bunheang Ung.LA BIRMANIE OU LA QUÊTE DE L'UNITÉ. Le problème de la cohésion nalionalc dans la Birmanie contemporaine el sa perspective historique. By Pierre Fistié.PUBLIC POLICY AND POLICY ANALYSIS IN INDIA. By R.S. Ganapthy, S.R. Ganesh, Rushikesh M. Maru, Samuel Paul, and Ram Mohan RaoSTATE AND SOCIETY IN CONTEMPORARY BRITAIN: A CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. Edited by Gregor McLellan, David Held and Stuart Hall.THE SCAREMONGERS: THE ADVOCACY OF WAR AND REARMAMENT 1896–1914. By A. J. A. Morris.BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE AGE OF WALPOLE. By Jeremy Black.BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY PARTIES, 1742–1832: From the Fall of Walpole to the First Reform Act. By B. W. Hill.IRELAND: A POSITIVE PROPOSAL. By Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden.COLONIAL ULSTER: THE SETTLEMENT OF EAST ULSTER 1600–1641. By Raymond Gillespie.POLITICS AND RURAL SOCIETY. THE SOUTHERN MASSIF CENTRAL c. 1750–1880. By P. M. Jones.THE WORKING CLASS IN WEIMAR GERMANY: A Psychological and Sociological Study. By Erich Fromm.THE PEOPLE'S REFORMATION: MAGISTRATES, CLERGY, AND COMMONS IN STRASBOURG, 1500–1598. By Lorna Jane Abray.THE ALTERNATIVE CULTURE: Socialist Labour in Imperial Germany. By Vernon L. Litdke.POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN SOVIET UKRAINE, 1953–1980. By Borys Lewytzkyj.THE STALINIST LEGACY. Edited by Toriq Ali.LEBANON: THE FRACTURED COUNTRY. By David Gilmour.CAPITAL, LABOUR AND THE MIDDLE CLASSES. By Nicholas Abercrombie and John Urry.COMMUNISM AND DEVELOPMENT. By Robert Bideleux.ROOM FOR MANOEUVRE. An Exploration of Public Policy in Agriculture and Rural Development. Edited by E. J. Clay and B. B. Schaffer.THE COURT SOCIETY. By Norbert Elias. Trans. E. Jephcott.PERSPECTIVES ON ORGANISATIONAL CHANGE: LESSONS FROM EDUCATION. Edited by Murray Frazer, Jeffrey Dunstan and Philip Creed.POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE STATE OF THE DISCIPLINE. Edited by Ada W. Finifter.DEMOCRATIC ENTERPRISE: A Policy Proposal for the Labour Movement. By R. G. B. Fyffe.RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE, 1500–1800. Edited by Kaspar von Greyerz for the German Historical Institute.THE DEMOCRATIC ECONOMY. A NEW LOOK AT PLANNING, MARKETS AND POWER. By Geoff HodgsonTHE BRITISH MARXIST HISTORIANS: an Introductory Analysis. By Harvey J. Kaye.FROM MARX TO LENIN. An Evaluation of Marx's Responsibility for Soviet Authoritarianism. By David W. Lovell.HAROLD D. LASSWELL AND THE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. By Derek McDougall.ARISTOCRACY. By Jonathon Powis.EDUCATE, AGITATE, ORGANISE. 100 YEARS OF FABIAN SOCIALISM. By Patricia Pugh.NEW DIRECTIONS IN EUROPEAN HISTORIOGRAPHY. Revised edition. By George G. Iggers.PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY: Essays on the Historiography of Philosophy. Edited by Richard Rorty, J. B. Schneewind, and Quentin Skinner.INCOMES AND POLICY. By Ian ManningDISORGANISED CAPITALISM. By Clans Offe.THIRD PARTIES IN AMERICA: CITIZEN RESPONSE TO MAJOR PARTY FAILURE. By Steven J. Rosenstone, Roy L. Behr, Edward H. Lazarus.HUNGER AND HISTORY. By R. I. Rotberg and T. K. Rabb (eds).LANGUAGE AND POLITICS. Edited by Michael Shapiro.MEN AND CITIZENS: A STUDY OF ROUSSEAU'S SOCIAL THEORY. By Judith N. Shklar.NEW NATIONALISMS OF THE DEVELOPED WEST: TOWARDS EXPLANATION. Edited by Edward A. Tiryakian and Ronald Rogowski.FIRST AMONG EQUALS: Prime Ministers in Westminster Systems. By Patrick Weller.

La generación de oportunidades laborales y la defensa de la mano de obra local ha sido para la población del Municipio de Barrancabermeja una prioridad. Desde 1985 están exigiendo al gobierno local que dentro de la dinámica laboral, se prefiera al talento humano del territorio para mejorar las condiciones de vida de sus ciudadanos. Dentro de las competencias municipales el gobierno de turno en 2008 acordó la implementación de la Política Pública de Empleo para formular acciones con el objeto de brindar oportunidades de empleos dignos y decentes a las personas, defender la mano de obra local, apostarle a la formación del talento humano y al desarrollo local. Sin embargo, pasados más de seis años desde la implementación de la Política Pública (PP), y los pobladores consideran que en el municipio aún no se protege la mano de obra local pues no evidencian los resultados y las cifras de desempleo van en aumento 19.9% (EHB-CER, 2013). Este trabajo de investigación busca profundizar, mediante un análisis cualitativo, el aporte de la política pública de empleo de Barrancabermeja en la defensa de la mano de obra local como pilar para el desarrollo municipal a partir de las percepciones de los miembros del Comité que hace evaluación y seguimiento de la implementación y cumplimiento de la PP de empleo. Los resultados obtenidos durante el desarrollo y análisis de este proyecto dan cuenta de las dificultades que se presentan al implementar políticas públicas, y de la necesidad que en el municipio se generen políticas territorizalizadas, inmersas en un nuevo modelo de desarrollo local con el que no sólo se defienda la mano de obra sino con el que se establezcan nuevas dinámicas en otros sectores productivos y económicos, que permitan un uso responsable de los recursos naturales y el bienestar social de las comunidades. ; The creation of employment opportunities and the defense of local labor has been a priority for Barrancabermeja's population. Since 1985 they are demanding to local government that human talent of the territory be preferred in work dynamics in order to improve the living conditions of its citizens. In 2008, current government agreed to implement the Public Employment Policy to formulate actions in order to provide opportunities for dignified and decent people jobs, to defend the local workforce, to bet on training human talent in the region and local development. Nevertheless, more than six years after the implementation of this Public Policy (PP), villagers believe that local goverment doesn't protect local workforce because they cannot see any result and unemployment numbers are rising 19.9% according to the Household Survey Centro de Estudios Regionales del Magdalena Medio (CER) in 2013. This research seeks to deepen, through a qualitative analysis, the contribution of public employment policy Barrancabermeja in the defense of the local workforce as a pillar for municipal development from the perceptions of members of the Committee that makes assessment and monitoring of the implementation and enforcement of the PP employment. The results obtained during the development and analysis of this project show the difficulties encountered in implementing public policies, and the need for the municipality of generating policies attending the territory, immersed in a new local development model to defend workforce and, further, to establish new dynamics within other productive and economic sectors that allow a responsible use of natural resources and social welfare of communities. ; Magíster en Planeación para el Desarrollo ; Maestría

This article analyses the path dependence of European copyright. It shows how copyright is legally constructed, is harmonised through international treaties and European regulatory efforts in terms of InfoSoc Directive and the IPRED, and is also affected by the Data Retention Directive and the Telecommunications Reform package. Furthermore, the "secretly" negotiated ACTA agreement is discussed as it may impose stronger copyright on Member States. This means that the formulations and metaphors of how copyright is constructed and conceptualised contribute towards various lock-in effects as the dependence on the given path increases. The strong path dependence of European copyright law results in regulation that suffers from legitimacy issues. Copyright construction is a legal complex that in general is based on ideas of the conditions of an analogue world for distribution and production of copies, but it is armed with increasingly protective measures when faced with human conduct in the context of digital networks. To some extent, this most probably involves the expansion of the concepts and metaphors that once described only non-digital practice. The trend in European copyright is therefore strongly protectionist, through the expanding and strengthening of rights and their enforcement, and in that it is self-reinforcing, being locked into certain standards. The path dependence of European copyright serves as a strong argument for those who benefit from its preservation, signalling that there are power structures supporting the colonisation by this specific legal path of other legal paths that protect other values, such as consumer privacy or versions of integrity. There is a clear tendency in targeting the ISPs and other intermediaries in attempts to keep the copyright path intact. The development of European copyright, in its broad sense, not only re-builds the Internet in terms of traceability, but also law enforcement in terms of mass-surveillance. The digitalisation of society requires that new questions be asked as to how legal enforcement is or can be performed with regard to the mass-surveillance of the multitude of habits and secrets in our everyday lives. This means that there is a growing political responsibility for balancing privacy concerns and new and extreme possibilities for recording behaviour by means of data logs and digital supervision, all of which is part of the enforcement of copyright as a result of its strong path dependence. Thus, the path dependence of copyright leads to an imbalance of principal importance between the interests at stake. The imbalance lies in that a special interest is allowed to modify methods of legal enforcement from the reactive and particular to the pre-emptive and general. The special copyright interest gains at the expense of the privacy of everyone.

This report provides an overview of macro-economic developments in 1999 and discusses the economic outlook for the next two years. It covers twelve transition countries Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia (FYRM), Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Ukraine and Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). In a few graphs and tables as well as in some passages of the text the Baltic States have been included, together with Germany as a reference country, so as to provide a broader view. In the recent past, more or less all transition countries were confronted with a slowdown of economic growth or even an intensifying GDP decline. GDP growth rates tumbled from quarter to quarter. The trend bottomed out in late 1998 or early 1999. Despite this general tendency, the contrast between individual countries was striking. In the second quarter of 1999 growth rates started to rise once more in one group of countries -- and GDP shrinkage diminished in the other. For all countries more recent data point to an improving business climate. Industrial output statistics reveal a quite similar tendency a downswing in 1998 and an upswing in 1999 in all CEECs plus Russia. Labour productivity growth rates in industry behaved correspondingly In most of the countries, they turned negative in 1998 and rose in 1999. Unit labour costs in euro terms rose in most of the countries during the slump but relaxed thereafter. From a longer-term point of view, only three of the transition countries considered in this report -- Hungary, Poland and Slovenia -- give the impression of having been relatively successful. They were able to achieve and maintain GDP growth. Other economies started growing substantially at some point of time, only to experience severe setbacks later. The phenomenon of permanent or re-emergent transitional recession has appeared in countries where the transformation of the financial and non-financial corporate sector has been incomplete, thus restricting the efficiency of the new institutions and institutional settings. In most of the countries related problems are persisting, so that we can expect some temporary upswing for this and the coming year, but no smooth continuation of growth at high rates. The WIIW forecasts a strengthening of the positive signals now visible. Thus, in 2000 in almost all transition countries GDP growth will be better than it was in 1999 and may strengthen further in 2001. Over the next few years, most of the countries will encounter difficulties in their attempts to secure high GDP growth, while simultaneously limiting their current account deficits. Countries with two-digit inflation rates will enjoy some measure of decline, while those that already enjoyed relatively low rates in the past will experience some increase. An unemployment rate of around 12% seems to be establishing itself as the norm for the transition countries.

This article considers major trends in the spatial and sectoral structure of national production and analyses the patterns of transformation of industrial systems into integrated industrial complexes, which show higher efficiency in transit condiétions. The author presents a new approach to studying the structural transformation of industrial systems during the transition of the national economy, which will make it possible to identify major trends in national production. The article seeks to draw attention to the methodology of developing and implementing industrial policy and devising an algorithm of effective transition of Russian industries in the modern conditions of international division of labor. The modernization and transnationalization of national production rests on a number of methods that make it possible for the corporate management to react rapidly to changes in the global market situation. These methods include strategic segmentation, analyzing the ability to adapt to the expected conditions, devising a company's entrepreneurial strategy, and changes in the spatial and industrial structure of production. The transformation of national industry is associated with the introduction of mechanisms of industrial integration structures using single organizational production modules capable of rational combination and transformation of the elements of national production structure to create competitive transnational production associations, such as clusters and other production forms serving as 'growth poles' and becoming elements of the emerging framework for national production. This methodology makes it possible to develop new approaches, methods, and principles for analyzing the transformation of the national spatial and industrial system during economic transition. Current factors, features, patterns and trends in the transformation of national industrial systems are identified; a mechanism for devising and implementing a more structured industrial policy in Russia is developed

1. The Cooperation Imperative -- 2. Environmental, Social and Governance Challenges in China Today -- 3. China and Innovation -- 4. Implications of the Technology Race -- 5. Understanding Chinese History: A Brief Look Back at China from its Origins through the 1700s -- 6. A Century of Humiliation -- 7. 1900 to 2001: Chaos, Cultural Revolution and China's Economic Rise -- 8. China Speed: Modern China's Work Ethic and Sociology -- 9. China as a Leader in Green Finance -- 10. Modern Chinese Companies -- 11. Dynamics Emerge on ESG and Sustainable Investment in China -- 12. Case Study: The US China Green Fund -- 13. Case Study: ChinaAMC -- 14. Case Study: Ehong Capital and Measuring Impact in China -- 15. Case Study: East Capital -- 16. Additional Considerations including China's Belt and Road Initiative -- 17. China's Integrated Policy, Market and Technology Offering for Sustainability -- 18. China's Investment in the Rest of the World -- 19. China as a Leader on Green Bonds -- 20. Key Recommendations -- 21. Conclusion 1: Guanxi -- 22. Conclusion 2: Final Thoughts.