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(2): Anhang zur Diplomarbeit. - 151 S., graph. Darst., Lit. S. 2-10

Times of emergency present an inherent conflict between the public interest and the preservation of individual rights. Such times require granting emergency powers to the government on behalf of the public interest and relaxing safeguards against government actions that infringe rights. The lack of theoretical framework to assess governmental decisions in times of emergency leads to a polarized and politicized discourse about potential policies, and often, to public distrust and lack of compliance. Such a discourse was evident regarding Digital Tracing Apps ("DTAs"), which are apps installed on cellular phones to alert users that they were exposed to people who tested positive for COVID-19. DTAs collect the most sensitive types of information, such as health-related and location or proximity information, which violates the right to privacy and the right to be free of surveillance. This sensitive information is normally legally protected. But in emergencies there are no legal restrictions limiting the collection of such data. The common privacy-law approach supports DTA implementation under the condition that the technology preserves the privacy of users. But this Article suggests that the privacy approach focuses on micro considerations and under-addresses the implications of DTA-based policy. Instead, this Article suggests rethinking DTA implementation during COVID-19 through the doctrine of proportionality. Often used by European Union courts in areas where decisions entail meaningful implications to individual rights, the doctrine offers a clear and workable normative evaluation of tradeoffs in a more nuanced, explicable, and transparent way. Highlighting macro considerations, the doctrine of proportionality suggests that 1) DTA-based policy is less proportionate compared to traditional contact-tracing methods; 2) policies created while relying on smartphones are inequitable and biased; and 3) the sharing of sensitive personal information with private companies will have irreversible social surveillance ...

In 2013, the Chinese central government launched a war on air pollution. As a new and major source of information, the Internet plays an important role in diffusing environmental news emotion and shaping people's perceptions and emotions regarding the pollution. How could the government make use of the environmental news emotion as an informal regulation of pollution? The paper investigates the causal relationship between web news emotion (defined by the emotional tone of web news) and air pollution (SO2, NO2, PM2.5 and PM10) by exploiting the central government's war on air pollution. We combine daily monitoring data of air pollution at different levels (cities and counties, respectively the second and third administrative levels in China) with the GDELT database that allows us to have information on Chinese web news media (e.g. emotional tone of web news on air pollution). We find that a decrease of the emotional tone in web news (i.e. more negative emotions in the articles) can help to reduce air pollution at both city and county level. We attribute this effect to the context of China's war on air pollution in which the government makes use of the environmental news emotion as an informal regulation of pollution.

In 2013, the Chinese central government launched a war on air pollution. As a new and major source of information, the Internet plays an important role in diffusing environmental news emotion and shaping people's perceptions and emotions regarding the pollution. How could the government make use of the environmental news emotion as an informal regulation of pollution? The paper investigates the causal relationship between web news emotion (defined by the emotional tone of web news) and air pollution (SO2, NO2, PM2.5 and PM10) by exploiting the central government's war on air pollution. We combine daily monitoring data of air pollution at different levels (cities and counties, respectively the second and third administrative levels in China) with the GDELT database that allows us to have information on Chinese web news media (e.g. emotional tone of web news on air pollution). We find that a decrease of the emotional tone in web news (i.e. more negative emotions in the articles) can help to reduce air pollution at both city and county level. We attribute this effect to the context of China's war on air pollution in which the government makes use of the environmental news emotion as an informal regulation of pollution.

Multilateral Matters is the quarterly publication of the Centre for Multilateralism Studies (CMS), analyzing the most recent developments regarding multilateralism by our team. It covers articles on relevant economic and political issues as well as programmed and latest publications from the research center. The objective of the newsletter is to promote the research being done by our centre, raising awareness of the many events that we hold on a regular basis.

In 2013, the Chinese central government launched a war on air pollution. As a new and major source of information, the Internet plays an important role in diffusing environmental news emotion and shaping people's perceptions and emotions regarding the pollution. How could the government make use of the environmental news emotion as an informal regulation of pollution? The paper investigates the causal relationship between web news emotion (defined by the emotional tone of web news) and air pollution (SO2, NO2, PM2.5 and PM10) by exploiting the central government's war on air pollution. We combine daily monitoring data of air pollution at different levels (cities and counties, respectively the second and third administrative levels in China) with the GDELT database that allows us to have information on Chinese web news media (e.g. emotional tone of web news on air pollution). We find that a decrease of the emotional tone in web news (i.e. more negative emotions in the articles) can help to reduce air pollution at both city and county level. We attribute this effect to the context of China's war on air pollution in which the government makes use of the environmental news emotion as an informal regulation of pollution.

Summary: This work proposes a methodological approximation for the study of speeches in the hybrid media system (Chadwick, 2013). The hybrid media system is defined as a new type of system where traditional and emerging media are gradually brought together, changed and flowing to create new forms. One form of hybridisation is the relationship between social media and television, in which the two media are modelled and built together. Various studies (Gruber, 2017; Vaccari et al., 2016) have demonstrated the importance of studying the hybrid media system to explore the construction of meanings in new mass media contexts, especially in relation to political issues. This study is part of a qualitative paradigm that incorporates the principles of critical narrative studies for the analysis of semi-tic resources used in 30.000 hashtags tweets of five Chilean political television programmes broadcast during 2016, which promote debate and public participation online. Analysis of online texts and television programmes showed that the advocacy strategies and resources used constitute an expansion of the televised political debate and a space for interaction of social media users with traditional media. The decision to directly involve these users in television programmes has implications for understanding the symbolic limits of the policy. The inclusion of new actors has the potential to shape the quality of debate and argumentation in the digitally mediated public sphere. ; Resumen: Este trabajo propone una aproximación metodológica para el estudio de discursos en el sistema híbrido de medios (Chadwick, 2013). El sistema híbrido de medios se define como un nuevo tipo de sistema en el que los medios tradicionales y emergentes se ensamblan, cambian y fluyen gradualmente para crear nuevas formas. Una forma de hibridación es la relación entre redes sociales y televisión, en la que ambos medios se modelan y construyen mutuamente. Diversos estudios (Gruber, 2017; Vaccari et al., 2016) han demostrado la importancia del estudio ...

Japanese firms and universities are increasingly adopting the concept of open innovation in their processes. This shift is both the result of a continuing slowdown in the Japanese economy and the difficulties it is experiencing in further improving productivity. The traditional method of innovation in major/large Japanese firms has been to establish a network of innovation with some of its core business partners, coordinated at a central research institute within the organization. This formed a closed system for innovation, with these central research institutes conducting applied research to drive innovation in products or processes. All major products and processes were developed in this manner. This model of innovation produced successful results up to the 1990s. But with the advent of new technologies and business environments coming into the 2000s, Japan's closed system of innovation ran into certain limitations. Advances in the IT industry enabled faster development of products and shortened product cycles, making it impossible to spend large amounts of time and money on product development. Competitors at emerging economies began to close in on Japan, whose conglomerate companies were beginning to lose their international competitiveness in traditional industries and found themselves forced to explore new systems to drive innovation.

The Knowledge and Support Technical Assistance 9017: Unlocking Innovation for Development's aim is to strengthen the capacity of ADB's Developing Member Countries to solve development problems using innovative solutions. At the five-year mark since the technical assistance was started, this report examines the evidence that has emerged so far to better understand in which ways the TA achieved its aims, and what can be learned from the activities and pilots projects it funded.

Vietnam has made positive progress in complying with the standards of the International Labor Organization (ILO), including the right to freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining. In 2019, Vietnam ratified ILO Convention 98 on the right to organize and collective bargaining and it is expected that by 2023 it will ratify ILO Convention 87 on freedom of association and protection of the right to organize. Vietnam just approved the new Labor Code in 2019 with significant changes to ensure the labor rights in the informal sector, the right to trade union and collective bargaining. Based on experience, it is forecast that the implementation will still face certain limitations and difficulties.

Trade is one of the main drivers of economic growth and for further development the government of Ukraine pursues a strategy of creating favourable conditions for bilateral and multirateral free trade agreements. Ukraine has several valid bilateral FTAs including Deep and Comprehensive FTA with the EU and Free trade Agreements with CIS countries and the EFTA. The Government of Ukraine is actively working on new free trade agreements with Canada, Turkey and Israel. In this context it is important to analyze current state of Ukrainian external trade and its noteworthy tendencies.

Myanmar continues to face challenges to achieving inclusive economic growth. In the past decade, the government of Myanmar has undertaken a number of important economic reforms to liberalize the economy and spark new economic growth. Fundamental changes in investment promotion, bureaucratic organization, trade openness, monetary policy, and other areas have helped lay the groundwork for new economic activity. The resulting economic growth, however, has failed to reach all corners of the country. In many states and regions, poverty rates remain high, and inadequate employment opportunities prevent widespread improvement in economic welfare. As Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbors have demonstrated, government measures are required to ensure that a robust and dynamic private sector is able to flourish in all of Myanmar's states and regions.

Issue 4 Volume 1 of the SDPI Newsletter containing publications, electronic media appearances, and events.

This paper explores the inter-connection between domestic firms' product innovation, exporting, and the presence of foreign direct investment (FDI). We first set up a theoretical model where, in a monopolistically competitive market, heterogeneous firms first make an optimal decision on product innovation and then set prices for their products in both the domestic and foreign markets. Under mild assumptions, the theoretical model generates a set of population moments, which are applied using data on eight three-digit manufacturing industries in China. We find evidence that firms' product innovation is positively correlated with their export revenue, and the presence of FDI affects firms' product innovation and export behaviour both directly and indirectly (via its impact on product innovation), albeit not in all industries. The findings have significant implications for policymakers, not only in China but also other developing countries.