Suchergebnisse

ALTHOUGH CONSIDERABLE ATTENTION HAS BEEN PAID TO IDENTIFYING THE PROCESSES INVOLVED IN THE POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE, VERY LITTLE WORK HAS ADDRESSED THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN YOUNG PEOPLES' POLITICAL ACTIVITIES AND THEIR POLITICAL ATTITUDES. THIS PAPER REPORTS A STUDY OF 210 BRITISH 16-18-YEAR-OLDS AND ASSESSES THE LEVELS OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY IN THIS GROUP AND RELATES THESE TO POLITICAL ATTITUDES. THE RESULTS SUGGEST THAT GREATER LEVELS OF ACTIVITY ARE ASSOCIATED WITH INDIVIDUALS HOLDING LEFT-OF-CENTER POLITICAL VIEWS. SUCH INDIVIDUALS REPORTED PAYING GREATER ATTENTION TO TV AND NEWSPAPERS WITH A HIGH POLITICAL CONTENT AND HAVING MORE POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS WITH TEACHERS AND PARENTS. WHILE THE MORE ACTIVE WERE MORE LIKELY TO HAVE POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS, POLITICS WAS STILL NOT FOUND TO BE AN IMPORTANT TOPIC OF DISCUSSION AMONG PEERS.

openAccessArticle: False ; Page Range: 307-307 ; doi:10.1016/j.bushor.2012.01.008 ; Harvest Date: 2016-01-12 15:12:55 ; issueName: SPECIAL ISSUE: STRATEGIC MARKETING IN A CHANGING WORLD ; cover date: 2012-05-01 ; pubType: Organizational Performance

Digital transformations have significant consequences for organizational attempts to shape their environments. Our focus is on how corporate political activity evolves in ways that require us to pay more attention to how information gets structured in digital spaces, and on how information ecosystems operate and shape strategic communication activities in organizational settings. We outline these digital transformations, offer a focus on corporate political activity as informational and develop a typology of datafied corporate political activity techniques to illustrate how the workings of digital spaces shape political issues more concretely. This serves to highlight the necessity of extending the focus of informational corporate political activity beyond the contents of overt and direct messages to include the more covert and subtle forms of influence made possible through the strategic structuring of information itself. This also contributes to our understanding of the political significance of corporate political activity, which is less about influencing political issues by composing appealing messages and distributing them to relevant audiences, and more about influencing political issues by organizing digital information and feeding algorithms. We suggest that such datastructures and algorithmic forms of sorting will become as important as message contents, and that datafied advocacy will become a central component of corporate political activity and other organizational activities.

AbstractThe contemporary Religious Left (RL) in the United States has proven to be somewhat of an enigma, both for academics and for the activists and voters who desire such a movement to thrive. In this paper, I look at one piece of the puzzle: is the RL able to mobilize supporters to political activity? Combining data from both the individual and movement level, this paper tests whether activity at the movement level of the RL can translate into individual supporters' political activity. Using existing data for 2008 and newly collected data on the RL in the 2016 election cycle, I find that the movement was successful in mobilizing constituents in 2008, but not in 2016. This can be linked to the Democrats' effort to engage religious voters in 2008, and its inability to do so in 2016.

The paper is devoted to the description of Musa Bigeev's social and political activity. The research deals with Musa Bigeev's correspondence (1917–1923) with highly controversial Turkish politician Enver Paşa, which was unstudied earlier.

This volume offers an integrated set of local studies exploring the gendering of political activities across a variety of sites ranging from print culture, courts, government and philanthropic bodies and public spaces, outlining how a particular activity was constituted as political and exploring how this contributed to a gendered concept of citizenship. The comparative and transnational perspectives revealed through combining such work contributes to establishing new knowledge about the relationship between gender, citizenship and the development of the modern town in Northern Europe.

Increasing social media use has transformed political participation by creating social cliques and echo chambers, which involve interaction between like‐minded people. This article examines the relationship between online political activity and personal involvement in online identity bubbles. This study is the first to examine this phenomenon using nationally representative data; its data were derived from surveys targeted at 18–74‐year‐old Finns (N = 3,724). Measures included online political activity, the Identity Bubble Reinforcement Scale, and behavioral and demographic factors. The results show that online political activity was positively associated with online identity bubbles. This effect was strong even after controlling for behavioral and demographic factors. In addition to online political activity, general online activity, online network size, and basic sociodemographic background variables explained variation of involvement in online identity bubbles. However, neither political preference nor political interest had a systematic effect on involvement in these bubbles. The findings confirm the theoretical assumption that online bubbles can be captured using subjective survey measures. Political activity appears to be a key factor associated with the strength of the online bubble experience. This finding has significance in the contemporary information society, in which various mundane discussions and cultural disputes become politically tinged.

Authors assume that in the post-Soviet time, political consciousness among the
Russians has significantly changed. Causes of this not only include general depoliticization in the society, but also a modified nature of the media influence.
The research purpose is to search for reasons that cause booms and falls in the
interest of the Russians in politics. The methodological framework of the research
included the Verba-Pye model of engagement in politics, Lipset's conclusions
about citizens' engagement in political affairs; assumptions from the LipsetRokkan model of political preferences of citizens; Scott's concept of imitation of
political activism, and Bryant's conclusions about specifics of media influence on
public opinion. The empirical basis of the research includes data from sociological
and marketing research made by Russian centers for the study of public opinion.
As a result of the research, its authors have established that country residents do
not mostly show high political engagement and civil activism